Soon it will be over for Mubarak and his Kleptocrats


January 30, 2011

Egypt: Mubarak and his Kleptocrats will fall soon

Sorry Fellas,

I am spoiling your weekend and the Chinese New Year mood to post something about happenings in Egypt, where the Mubarak’s brutal regime is about to fall because the people without jobs and income are saying enough is enough. Egyptians want change and an end to corruption and abuse of power.

Like Menyalak-er, Danildaud, Frank, Dr. Phua et.al, I may not agree that the end of history (liberal democracy and Fukuyama debunked) will come to Egypt but I am of the view that the people of Egypt will triumph and usher in a  new government with leaders who serve the people, not serve themselves.

Like what happened to Marcos in the Philippines during the Ronald Reagan Administration in the 1980s, the Obama Administration  is working out a formula for Mubarak and his kleptocrats to have safe passage and an orderly transfer of power. We all know that without American support, Mubarak will not last one more minute. Without military support, Mubarak will  also not stand, given with anger of Egyptians.–Din Merican

Published on Saturday, January 29, 20 11 by the Independent/UK

A People Defies Its Dictator, and a Nation’s Future is in the Balance

A brutal regime is fighting, bloodily, for its life.

by Robert Fisk*

It might be the end. It is certainly the beginning of the end. Across Egypt, tens of thousands of Arabs braved tear gas, water cannons, stun grenades and live fire yesterday to demand the removal of Hosni Mubarak after more than 30 years of dictatorship.

And as Cairo lay drenched under clouds of tear gas from thousands of canisters fired into dense crowds by riot police, it looked as if his rule was nearing its finish. None of us on the streets of Cairo yesterday even knew where Mubarak – who would later appear on television to dismiss his cabinet – was. And I didn’t find anyone who cared.

They were brave, largely peaceful, these tens of thousands, but the shocking behaviour of Mubarak’s plainclothes battagi – the word does literally mean “thugs” in Arabic – who beat, bashed and assaulted demonstrators while the cops watched and did nothing, was a disgrace. These men, many of them ex-policemen who are drug addicts, were last night the front line of the Egyptian state. The true representatives of Hosni Mubarak as uniformed cops showered gas on to the crowds.

At one point last night, gas canisters were streaming smoke across the waters of the Nile as riot police and protesters fought on the great river bridges. It was incredible, a risen people who would no longer take violence and brutality and prison as their lot in the largest Arab nation. And the police themselves might be cracking: “What can we do?” one of the riot cops asked us. “We have orders. Do you think we want to do this? This country is going downhill.” The government imposed a curfew last night as protesters knelt in prayer in front of police.

How does one describe a day that may prove to be so giant a page in Egypt’s history? Maybe reporters should abandon their analyses and just tell the tale of what happened from morning to night in one of the world’s most ancient cities. So here it is, the story from my notes, scribbled amid a defiant people in the face of thousands of plainclothes and uniformed police.

The Man of Peace and Integrity Egypt needs

It began at the Istikama mosque on Giza Square: a grim thoroughfare of gaunt concrete apartment blocks and a line of riot police that stretched as far as the Nile. We all knew that Mohamed ElBaradei would be there for midday prayers and, at first, the crowd seemed small. The cops smoked cigarettes. If this was the end of the reign of Mubarak, it was a pretty unimpressive start.

But then, no sooner had the last prayers been uttered than the crowd of worshippers, perched above the highway, turned towards the police. “Mubarak, Mubarak,” they shouted. “Saudi Arabia is waiting for you.” That’s when the water cannons were turned on the crowd – the police had every intention of fighting them even though not a stone had been thrown. The water smashed into the crowd and then the hoses were pointed directly at ElBaradei, who reeled back, drenched.

He had returned from Vienna a few hours earlier and few Egyptians think he will run Egypt – he claims to want to be a negotiator – but this was a disgrace. Egypt’s most honoured politician, a Nobel prize winner who had held the post of the UN’s top nuclear inspector, was drenched like a street urchin. That’s what Mubarak thought of him, I suppose: just another trouble maker with a “hidden agenda” – that really is the language the Egyptian government is using right now.

And then the tear gas burst over the crowds. Perhaps there were a few thousand now, but as I walked beside them, something remarkable happened. From apartment blocks and dingy alleyways, from neighbouring streets, hundreds and then thousands of Egyptians swarmed on to the highway leading to Tahrir Square. This is the one tactic the police had decided to prevent. To have Mubarak’s detractors in the very centre of Cairo would suggest that his rule was already over. The government had already cut the internet – slicing off Egypt from the rest of the world – and killed all of the mobile phone signals. It made no difference.

Deal with Barack H. Obama, not this Butcher of Iraq,George "Decision Points" Bush

“We want the regime to fall,” the crowds screamed. Not perhaps the most memorable cry of revolution but they shouted it again and again until they drowned out the pop of tear gas grenades. From all over Cairo they surged into the city, middle-class youngsters from Gazira, the poor from the slums of Beaulak al-Daqrour, marching steadily across the Nile bridges like an army – which, I guess, was what they were.

Still the gas grenades showered over them. Coughing and retching, they marched on. Many held their coats over their mouths or queued at a lemon shop where the owner squeezed fresh fruit into their mouths. Lemon juice – an antidote to tear gas – poured across the pavement into the gutter.

This was Cairo, of course, but these protests were taking place all over Egypt, not least in Suez, where 13 Egyptians have so far been killed. The demonstrations began not just at mosques but at Coptic churches. “I am a Christian, but I am an Egyptian first,” a man called Mina told me. “I want Mubarak to go.” And that is when the first bataggi arrived, pushing to the front of the police ranks in order to attack the protesters. They had metal rods and police truncheons – from where? – and sharpened sticks, and could be prosecuted for serious crimes if Mubarak’s regime falls. They were vicious. One man whipped a youth over the back with a long yellow cable. He howled with pain. Across the city, the cops stood in ranks, legions of them, the sun glinting on their visors. The crowd were supposed to be afraid, but the police looked ugly, like hooded birds. Then the protesters reached the east bank of the Nile.

A few tourists found themselves caught up in this spectacle – I saw three middle-aged ladies on one of the Nile bridges (Cairo’s hotels had not, of course, told their guests what was happening) – but the police decided that they would hold the east end of the flyover. They opened their ranks again and sent the thugs in to beat the leading protesters. And this was the moment the tear-gassing began in earnest, hundreds upon hundreds of canisters raining on to the crowds who marched from all roads into the city. It stung our eyes and made us cough until we were gasping. Men were being sick beside sealed shop fronts.

Fires appear to have broken out last night near Mubarak’s rubber-stamp NDP headquarters. A curfew was imposed and first reports spoke of troops in the city, an ominous sign that the police had lost control. We took refuge in the old Café Riche off Telaat Harb Square, a tiny restaurant and bar of blue-robed waiters; and there, sipping his coffee, was the great Egyptian writer Ibrahim Abdul Meguid, right in front of us. It was like bumping into Tolstoy taking lunch amid the Russian revolution. “There has been no reaction from Mubarak!” he exalted. “It is as if nothing has happened! But they will do it – the people will do it!” The guests sat choking from the gas. It was one of those memorable scenes that occur in movies rather than real life.

And there was an old man on the pavement, one hand over his stinging eyes. Retired Colonel Weaam Salim of the Egyptian army, wearing his medal ribbons from the 1967 war with Israel – which Egypt lost – and the 1973 war, which the colonel thought Egypt had won. “I am leaving the ranks of veteran soldiers,” he told me. “I am joining the protesters.” And what of the army? Throughout the day we had not seen them. Their colonels and brigadiers and generals were silent. Were they waiting until Mubarak imposed martial law?

The crowds refused to abide by the curfew. In Suez, they set police trucks on fire. Opposite my own hotel, they tried to tip another truck into the Nile. I couldn’t get back to Western Cairo over the bridges. The gas grenades were still soaring off the edges into the Nile. But a cop eventually took pity on us – not a quality, I have to say, that was much in evidence yesterday – and led us to the very bank of the Nile. And there was an old Egyptian motorboat, the tourist kind, with plastic flowers and a willing owner. So we sailed back in style, sipping Pepsi. And then a yellow speed boat swept past with two men making victory signs at the crowds on the bridges, a young girl standing in the back, holding a massive banner in her hands. It was the flag of Egypt.

© 2011 Independent/UK

Robert Fisk is Middle East correspondent for The Independent newspaper.  He is the author of many books on the region, including The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East.

Happy Weekend and Gong Xi Fa Cai


January 29, 2011

Happy Weekend and Gong Xi Fa Chai to All Malaysians

Last Sunday (January 23), Dr. Kamsiah and I had a few friends including Tean Rean, our Thai kerbau rider from Bakar Bata, Alor Setar,  my cousin Dr. Yaccob and his wife Dato Tunku Sofiah Tunku Mohamed Jewa, and an avid Facebooker who goes by the initials HAK at our home in Damansara Jaya for a simple makan. Also present was singing heartrob, Nurul Wahab.

We were particularly delighted  to have Kamsiah’s lovely daughter Elia  and her son, Elyas, at this function, making the occasion a n even more memorable and meaningful one.

At our karaoke session, Nurul sang a Whitney Houston’s I Will Always Love You from her movie featuring Kevin Kosner, The Bodyguard.  So we thought we should introduce  Nurul to you all; she is followed by Whitney. I will also bring back Frank Sinatra rendering Fly Me To the Moon which I sang that night. Also featured this weekend are Nat King Cole, Vic Damone, Al Martino and Jerry Vale.

Nurul Wahab in Action

It was an enjoyable evening. We recounted good times and for once politics, strange as it may seem to some of you, was not on the table for discussion. What a welcome relief that was, given the state of politics in Malaysia.

Two tension filled and expectations high by-elections, one in  Johore and the other in Malacca, will be held soon. The mainstream and the blogger groups are active doing their thing, while mighty  UMNO-BN political machine will hard at work. There will be plenty of political promises for voters to entice their votes. Let us  hope that the elections will be peaceful and orderly and  clean as it is possible in our country.

Let us enjoy this week’s election and look forward to Chinese New Year in The Year of the Rabbit. We take this opportunity to wish all Malaysians who celebrate the coming of the Rabbit Year. Gong Xi Fa Cai to all near and far. As usual, we always hope for a good, prosperous and peaceful 2011.—Dr. Kamsiah and Din Merican

Nurul Wahab

Whitney Houston

Frank Sinatra

Nat King Cole

Vic Damone

Jerry Vale

Al Martino

Indonesia: Good Governance for Sustained Economic Growth


January 29, 2011

http://www.nst.com.my

A Case of Indonesia: Good Governance for Sustained Economic Growth

by Philip Bowring

NOTHING could be more symbolic of the rise in Indonesia’s status in the world: Garuda, the national airline named after the sacred, mythical bird that is its national emblem, is being marketed to global investors.

It has been reaching out to global investors as the government seeks to raise at least US$1 billion (RM3 billion) by selling a large stake in what was long an accident-prone carrier shunned by passengers and airports alike.

This caps a year in which Indonesia’s international stock rose faster than probably any other Asian country.

Foreign perception of the nation’s progress had long lagged behind its actual, quietly impressive political and economic development in the dozen years since the Asian financial crisis and the overthrow of the Suharto regime.

But the now bullish perception may have run ahead of reality, perhaps setting both foreigners and newly confident locals up for disappointment.

First, it’s worth reviewing the good news. The stock market was Asia’s top performer last year. The economy grew about six per cent, and the same is expected this year. The budget position is strong; debt is low; trade in surplus and foreign reserves is high.

Foreign commentators have suggested that it be classed with China, India and Brazil as one of the group of large, fast-expanding economies identified as the spearhead of global growth.

NGC Beautiful Indonesia - Mount Semeru and Bromo "Some Indonesians believe that belching volcanoes such as Mount Semeru (in background) and Mount Bromo (in foreground) are portals to a subterranean world that has shaped not only Indonesia’s landscape but also its beliefs and culture. A long exposure time captured stars in this photo—and the brief balanced light from both a fading moon and a brightening eastern sky".Internationally, Indonesia is now viewed as stable and strategically important. It is a member of the Group of 20 and, like Brazil, beginning to play a role beyond its immediate neighbourhood.

United States President Barack Obama has underlined its achievements, as a Muslim-majority country with a secular constitution, democracy, pluralism and religious tolerance.

It is now making an effort to reduce forest destruction and carbon emissions. Yet the sustainability of these positive developments is questionable.

Economic success owes a great deal to the near record prices fetched by most of its export commodities — coal, palm oil, copper, rubber and others.  These, in turn, have underpinned strong growth in consumption without pushing trade into a deficit. How long this cycle will last is anyone’s guess, but a sustained retreat of prices is going come with a sharp downgrading of Indonesia’s growth prospects.

If economic worries are for the future, governance worries are here now. Investors may like stories like the success of Garuda, the national airline, but local media have been focused on a very different tale — an amazing saga that has stunned even Indonesians accustomed to graft — involving a corrupt tax inspector and his deals with senior judges and firms linked to senior politicians.

Some of the blame for a lack of government reform lies with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. He has failed to use his 2008 electoral mandate to press on with administrative reforms or act decisively against the corruption.

By putting his instinct for political compromise ahead of the law, Susilo risks the governance reform vital for sustained development.

Corruption among parliamentarians is rife so little legislation is passed as members jostle for favours. Susilo set a poor example last year when finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati was forced out after clashing with vested interests, including one of the nation’s richest men and the head of a major party in Susilo’s coalition.

Media freedom and diversity thrives so the populace knows about a lot of the sleaze.But without leadership from the top, little cleaning is possible. The government vigorously pursues Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), the Southeast Asian terrorist network, but Indonesia’s traditions of religious tolerance have been damaged by failure, for political reasons, to confront localised harassment of Christians and Ahmadis (an Islamic sect regarded by some as heretical).

These problems do not suggest that Indonesia should once more be ignored.  But foreign awareness of its problems, as well as opportunities, is needed and could help Indonesia achieve sustained reform rather than copy the Philippines’ record of democracy marred by weak, corrupt governance. — IHT

Figuring out Anwar Ibrahim


January 29, 2011

http://www.malaysia today.net

Figuring out Parti KeADILan Rakyat(PKR)’s Ketua Umum

by Wong Mun Chee

Politicians are never our saviours. We the people need to be savvy enough to understand and comprehend with apprehension the true objectives of a politician.

A simple recap, in 1972 Anwar Ibrahim formed ABIM and served as their leader. In 1982, he surprised everyone by joining UMNO. In 1993, he was made the Deputy Prime Minister after forcing out (Tun) Ghafar Baba. In 1999 after his incarceration, PKR was formed and the rest I guess is the new politics that we see today with the same old political agenda.

The economist ran a pretty decent piece on Anwar and they described him as the Malaysian chameleon (see link http://www.economist.com/node/14140818.) Now let’s get down to facts to see whether he is a chameleon.

While in ABIM, it was a Muslim agenda; then in UMNO, it was more a Malay agenda by introducing numerous pro-Malay policies in the national school curriculum. One of the major changes that Anwar did was to rename the national language from Bahasa Malaysia to Bahasa Melayu. I wonder where One Malaysia or Malaysian First fits in here.

Other notable events such as the Kampong Rawa incident in March 1998 where there was a tense stand-off when politically motivated Muslims emerged from Friday prayers in an adjacent mosque and marched in numbers to the Sri Raja Raja Madurai Veeran temple in Kampung Rawa. During this incident, the negotiator – Mr. Anwar – threatened the Hindus there to accept whatever he said, otherwise he said no temple bells will be sounded in Penang. Knowing MIC, what would you expect? Naturally the temple was demolished and relocated even when it had stood there before the mosque came into the picture.

Another interesting event is of course the insertion of UMNO proxies in Sabah since its inception in 1991. Naturally the progenitor is none other than our famous Anwar.

Anwar sympathizers will naturally cry foul for the follies and frolics of  their  man during his reign against the community generally, as after all he did face persecution for his ambitious attempt to overthrow the mighty Machiavellian, Dr. Mahathir, by being another Machiavellian. Basically it was a clash of the Titans with little relevance for public concern or needs but their race to power.

The interesting point to be taken into consideration is, the charmed character of Anwar did not serve his imprisonment for a cause for the society but rather being a seasoned politician, he was able to gain public sympathy through his Reformasi.

Fast forward 2011, amongst the three opposition coalition parties, the one that seems to be a time bomb seems to be PKR. Why? Same principle – all proxies to ensure Anwarism, no difference from the UMNO style with their allies, gain power.

Why am I bringing this up? I’ll tell you why. Little birds in the sky have been chirping to me that Anwar has recently met with Taib (Sarawak) and Musa (Sabah) beyond the Malaysian waters.

Now what is the purpose of meeting UMNO cronies? Trust me. In politics, it is not about principle but where and when the deal can be struck. Even the enemy is your friend. Naturally we all know that Peninsular is 50-50, but East Malaysia is where the real power is for the political swing. What they discussed or why, is a good guess for you as much as it is for me.

Let’s ponder on my own theories. Taib and Musa have been under a lot of heat and it is unlikely that UMNO can hold it together for them as they need to take care of their own backyard in Peninsular. Anwar has his days numbered; either he goes behind bars or strike a deal for a swing in power and in exchange for these blokes to continue with their billionaire lifestyle and fulfill his own agenda to become the Prime Minister.

You see, once he is in power it is very difficult to question anything. Look at UMNO, a classic example,for 53 years. And why go so far? Even PAKATAN within their four states exercise and exhibit similar agendas with lots of media propaganda for the feel good factor so what more with seasoned politicians.

On another take, for all you know, Anwar may be negotiating with Najib as he would now realize that PKR is falling apart as most are UMNO rejects or his proxies. I would do that, if I am a politician. Wouldn’t you?

Why would Najib negotiate with Anwar? Well, for one a common enemy ,Dr Mahathir. Najib has Dr Mahathir nibbling at his feet from day one since he has been the Premier. The current Deputy Prime Minister, a crony of Dr Mahathir comes with such contradictory statements from the current Premier it is like another subtle proxy war. Is it so difficult to fathom this? It is always good to read between the lines to find the true agenda.

I won’t be surprised that one day Anwar will turn around and tell Najib he thinks Najib is doing the right thing as they have a common enemy in sight. He may want to maintain his freedom by enhancing Najib’s position just to avoid serving a prison sentence.

The crux of this letter is, politicians are never our saviours. We the people need to be savvy enough to understand and comprehend with apprehension the true objectives of a politician. This can only materialize if they are steadfast in their principle from day one, not swaying and swinging for political needs no matter how you see it. A good politician and its true meaning is to serve the society without the typical grandeur that we observe with Anwar as and when it fits the agenda.

This can only happen if your individual action is in place to check and balance them as I attempted to do with Anwar Ibrahim. Whether I have my doubts about Anwar is secondary. It is your call as the society to flush out artificial politicians.

The End of History comes to Tunisia


January 28, 2011

The End of History comes to Tunisia

by Pierre Buhler*

Tunisia’s “Jasmine Revolution” is still unfolding, but we can already read into it lessons about democracy and democratization that extend far beyond the Maghreb.

To set the Jasmine Revolution in historical perspective, we must recall June 4, 1989 – that pivotal Sunday when the Poles voted the communists out of power and, at the other end of Eurasia, the Communist Party of China crushed a burgeoning democratic movement on Tiananmen Square. In retrospect, that day looks like a fork in the road of human history.

One path led to the demise of communism and a new birth of freedom and democracy – at times bloody and painful – in Europe. The other path traced an alternative course, with China remaining under the grip of its ruling party, but delivering prosperity to its impoverished masses through astounding and sustained growth.

As the revolutionary year of 1989 was unfolding, Francis Fukuyama, presciently yet controversially pondered whether the path chosen in Europe heralded the “end of history.” Following Hegel, Fukuyama made the case that history is directional – that it is leading somewhere – for two reasons. First, the ceaseless spread of technology and of the economic liberal order, which has a homogenizing effect. Second, the Hegelian “struggle for recognition” has been a pervasive driving force of mankind, powerful enough to lead countless individuals to the ultimate sacrifice.

But, while a widespread consensus held that communism was nothing but a dead end, China’s economic success, and the authoritarian backlash in Russia following Boris Yeltsin’s departure from the Kremlin a decade ago, prompted a more pessimistic analysis.

Theories of “democratic rollback” and of a resurgence of “authoritarian great powers” surfaced to unveil the potential of systems that combined nationalism and state-led growth-yielding capitalism.

Some argued that authoritarian rule provided a much surer and safer path to welfare than democracy could offer, others extolled the virtues of “Asian values,” and still others argued that democracy in the Arab or Muslim world would only pave the way for Islamic fundamentalists to take power. Not surprisingly, autocrats everywhere embraced such views.

Leila Ben Ali--Beauty is not good enough

But the message of Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution rings loud and clear: democracy – and the liberal political order in which it is rooted – is not merely a Western concept (or a Western conspiracy), but holds universal attraction, powered by the craving for “recognition.” Moreover, it can be accessed at an early stage of a country’s modernization.

To be sure, authoritarian rule can manage the early stages of industrialization. But a “knowledge economy” cannot operate with muzzled minds. Even the smartest authoritarian rulers are unable to manage complexity on this scale – not to mention the corruption that inevitably breeds in the protected shadows of autocracy.

Challenging the “myth of the autocratic revival,” the American political scientists Daniel Deudney and John Ikenberry have examined China and Russia, finding “little evidence for the emergence of a stable equilibrium between capitalism and autocracy such that this combination could be dignified as a new model of modernity.” While neither country qualifies as a liberal democracy, both “are much more liberal and democratic than they have ever been, and many of the crucial foundations for sustainable liberal democracy are emerging” – one main hurdle being the centrifugal forces that democracy might unleash.

But most countries that are unburdened by such a threat have, quietly or spectacularly, rallied to the liberal order over the past decades. Asian countries such as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Indonesia have done so without being hampered by their supposed “Asian values.”

Similarly, Latin America, once the playground of myriad juntas and golpes, is now largely anchored in political liberalism. Turkey is ruled by a mildly Islamist party that plays by the rules of democracy. And, in the spring of 2009, the presidential campaign in Iran evinced a formidable craving for freedom.

What is obvious from these cases is that development activates the two channels that Fukuyama identifies as shaping the direction of history: cumulative economic and technological change and the desire for recognition. Both foster individual empowerment, which is the gateway to freedom and democracy. The paths differ between countries, setbacks are not uncommon, and it can take decades, but the leap can occur when the circumstances are ripe – as in Tunisia.

Indeed, the Jasmine Revolution embodies all the tenets of the liberal political order that the West has been advocating since the Atlantic Charter of 1941: a yearning for freedom, opportunity, and the rule of law. Moreover, Tunisia’s revolution was indigenous, not imported as part of some forcible regime change.

The Tunisian people, led by a frustrated middle class that refused to be cowed, thus provide a healthy reminder of the steady and compelling forces driving the behavior of individuals and nations nowadays. They illustrate the catalytic effect of digital connectivity (clearly visible, too, among China’s “twittering classes”). And they might embolden other Arab peoples, as may be happening in Egypt, to force accountability upon their rulers.

Whatever the outcome in Tunisia, those who believe that democracy, to paraphrase Woodrow Wilson, makes the world a safe place – and that more democracy makes it safer – have every reason to rejoice at such an auspicious development.

*Pierre Buhler, a former French diplomat, was an associate professor at Sciences Po, Paris.

Copyright: Project Syndicate/Institute for Human Sciences, 2011.
http://www.project-syndicate.org

Now Closer to Home: Happenings in Sarawak


January 27, 2011

Happenings in Sarawak: Kleptocracy at Work

A whistleblower website, which has alleged a litany of corruption involving Sarawak CM Taib Mahmud and his family, has hit another state leader in its latest expose.

According to Sarawak Report, Deputy Chief Minister George Chan has given his Christina Foo, described as his “mistress”, a multi-million ringgit contract to purchase medical equipment for a new hospital in Kota Samarahan, a town about 20km southeast of Kuching.

It said that Trend-Nics, a company linked to Foo, could have made “as much as RM40 million from the contract”. The Kota Samarahan Heart Hospital, after years of delay, was officially opened last week by Prime Minister Najib Razak, who also made a stop in Kuching to attend Taib’s wedding bash.

The hospital was first conceived by Chan, the state minister in charge of health, eight years ago as a private cancer facility to cater to “health tourisism”. Its RM473 million construction cost was funded by the state-owned Sarawak International Medical Centre. However, problems soon emerged, with the project’s private partner pulling out of the deal.

The ailing hospital was eventually taken over by the fFderal Government last year, at a cost of over RM400 million.

Work to build the hospital started in 2003 and it was scheduled for completion in 2006. However, the hospital was only completed last year.

Bailed out by Putrajaya

Sarawak Report said the project, now reconverted to a heart hospital, is destined to be another white elephant as it was not built to be a public hospital.

“The hospital was designed for wealthy, fee-paying patients, with single and double rooms, and it is simply wrong that the Federal Government has paid so much money for a hospital that is inappropriate for government patients and was never designed for the large numbers of patients that government hospitals must accept,” the website said, quoting a Health Ministry source.

Due to the six-year delay, the hospital equipment bought almost a decade ago are now obsolete to be used for heart surgery, Sarawak Report lamented.

More shockingly, the website said, the doctors had been unable to perform any surgery because the low-cost system that was installed is unable to supply adequate oxygen for the patients in the brand-new hospital, dubbed by the website as the “most expensive hospital ever built in Malaysia”.

“Insiders on the project have told Sarawak Report that they quarreled with Foo over proposals to purchase cheap beds and label them as expensive cardiac beds – the price difference between the two brands was RM2,400 instead of RM48,000.”

Apparent poor attempt to disguise ownership

Sarawak Report also said Foo, 52, had made an apparently poor attempt to disguise her ownership of Trend-Nics, the company said to have been given the RM130 million contract by Chan to supply equipment to the hospital.

“Our investigation of Trend-Nics official documents show that the directors of the company are in fact registered as two other Ms Foos – Florence and ‘Celine’,” said the website, which also put up documents from the Companies Commission.

However, it found that Trend-Nics is 100 percent owned by another company, Chastain Sdn Bhd.  “Chastain is 80 percent owned by Christina Foo herself, who is also registered as a director at her swanky Kasuma Resort residence. The other director, Florence Foo, owns 10 percent and the remaining 10 percent is owned by ‘Celine’ – who turns out to be an alias for Christina Foo herself.”

According the Companies Commission documents, both Celine and Christina share the same alias – Christina Constance Foo. Sarawak Report said it was “an open secret” that Foo has been Chan’s mistress for many years, even when the deputy chief minister was still married to his first wife.

“Experts and insiders are adamant that not only was there no need for this middleman contract (involving Trend-Nics), but that Foo was not qualified to be involved in such matters,” it added.

Blood ties between Chan and Taib

Chan has a lot in common with Sarawak strongman Taib, who will celebrate his 30th anniversary as chief minister in March.

They are in-laws by virtue of Chan’s daughter Anisa being married to former deputy tourism minister Sulaiman, who is Taib’s second son. Both men, who are in their mid-seventies, have just remarried women who are many years younger than them. Taib, 74, whose Australian wife of Polish descent died in 2009, tied the knot last month with Syrian-born Ragad Waleed Alkurdi, 28.

Chan, also 74, who is divorced from his American wife of Irish descent, married Lorna Enan Muloon about a year ago.  Lorna is the adopted daughter of Chan’s friend – former Sarawak local government minister Joseph Balan Seling, who died last year at the age of 74. The couple has been recently reported to be expecting a baby.

Sarawak Report has over the past few months revealed details on a slew of land and properties owned by the Taib family, both in Sarawak and abroad. The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Agency (MACC) has so far kept deafening silence on the series of exposes on Taib’s wealth.