The Legacy of PAS’ Spiritual Leader Nik Aziz–ANALYSIS

February 13, 2015


The Passing of Nik Aziz Nik Mat: The Legacy of PAS’ Spiritual Leader-ANALYSIS

The passing of Nik Aziz Nik Mat, the late Spiritual Leader of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party PAS, has left an enormous void in the party and the political landscape of Malaysia. Though his religious educational background was traditional and conservative, he was one of the more pragmatic and realistic leaders of the party, who transformed PAS into what it is today.

By Farish A. Noor*

nik-aziz2TUAN GURU Nik Aziz Nik Mat was one of the most well-known and familiar political-religious leaders in Malaysia, and it would not be an exaggeration to say that he was known throughout the country.

His popularity began to rise from the 1980s when he, along with a number of religious scholars (Ulama) took over the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party PAS after deposing its leader Asri Muda. Thus began the rise of the ‘Ulama faction’ and the re-orientation of the party in the direction of political Islam in step with the global emergence of Islamism from the 1980s to the late 1990s.

In Malaysia today he was also known as the Murshid’ul Am or Spiritual Leader of PAS and the one who was most supportive of the reformist-modernist wing within the party, sometimes referred to as the ‘Erdogan faction’. The question arises as to how and why a traditional and conservative religious scholar such as Nik Aziz could have lent his support to the party’s moderate-reformist wing, who in turn brought the party into the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance) coalition led by Anwar Ibrahim. To understand the rationale behind Nik Aziz’s thinking, it is important to revisit the man’s past and consider his early religious education abroad, and his experiences in Malaysia and overseas.

Product of madrasah education

Nik Aziz ( pic center) first attended madrasahs (religious schools) in Malaysia, but Young Nik Azizwas then sent to India to further his studies. In India, he studied at the Darul Uloom madrasah of Deoband, Uttar Pradesh and it was there that he was first exposed to currents of religio-political thought in the Indian subcontinent. After graduating from Deoband in 1957, he proceeded to Lahore, Pakistan where he studied Tafsir (Quranic exegesis), and then to Egypt where he studied Fiqh (religious jurisprudence) at the well-known al-Azhar university in Cairo.

It has to be noted that in India, Pakistan and Egypt Nik Aziz did not merely study religious subjects but was also exposed to the currents of political Islam of the time: The 1950s and 1960s were the decades where political Islam was on the rise, with prominent Muslim scholar-activists such as Syed Abul Alaa Maudoodi, Sayyid Qutb and Hassan al-Banna becoming better known. In the course of several interviews that I had conducted with him, Nik Aziz admitted that he was less inclined towards the more poetic and/or spiritual variants of Islam that were found in India: On one occasion he was invited to perform a religious missionary tour with the spiritually-inclined Tablighi Jama’at movement in India, but declined on the grounds that he found their practice of Islam ‘world-denying and life-negating’.

Nik Aziz also spoke fondly of his time in Egypt, where he professed an admiration for the nationalist project of Gamal Abdel Nasser who had tried to modernise the country and who was seen as one of the leaders of the Pan-Arab nationalist movement. It was during this period – until his return to Malaysia in 1962 – that Nik Aziz developed his own approach to political Islam.

Alliance of Islamists and professionals

Nik Aziz’s educational background was traditional and conservative, and in many of the religious schools he studied, the teaching was based on the standard Dars-I Nizami curriculum that was introduced in the 11th century. Yet notwithstanding his conservative leanings, his personal experience of living in India, Pakistan and Egypt in the 1950s and early 1960s exposed him to contemporary currents of Muslim activism that later inspired and shaped his own political approach.

After taking over the Islamist party PAS in 1982, he, along with other Islamist-activist leaders like Yusof Rawa, began the internal transformation of the party and actively courted the membership and support of young Muslim professionals and technocrats into PAS.

It was from the 1980s that PAS became a truly modern organisation with strong mobilisation and communications capabilities, as a result of the alliance between the Ulama and professionals that Nik Aziz and Yusof Rawa promoted. Nik Aziz understood the need for a new kind of leadership and membership for the party that would allow it to mobilise faster and respond better to both domestic and international challenges.

The younger generation of professionals on the other hand valued the religious knowledge and moral credibility of men like Nik Aziz as they rejected the capital-driven developmental model they saw in Malaysia and other parts of the post-colonial world.

Nik Aziz’s passing thus leaves behind an enormous void in the leadership of PAS, and raises questions about where the party might head in the near future. But in recounting his personal history, it is instructive to note that even conservative-traditionalist scholars like him were able to appreciate the importance of networks and pragmatic coalitions as part of political praxis.

*Farish A. Noor is Associate Professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University and author of The Malaysian Islamic Party PAS 1951-2013, Amsterdam University Press, 2014.

RSIS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the author/s are their own and do not represent the official position of the S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU, which produces the Commentaries.

The Attraction-Revulsion Syndrome of Nik Aziz

February 13, 2015

The Attraction-Revulsion Syndrome of Nik Aziz

by Terence

COMMENT: During much of his 23-year tenure as Kelantan Menteri Besar, the late Nik Aziz Nik Mat exerted a simultaneous attraction-repulsion spell on non-Muslims: they found attractive the purity of his religious belief but were discomfited by aspects of its literalism.

Nik Aziz Nik Mat

Non-Muslims struggled to come to terms with the polarities of a persona they found engaging at most times and estranging at others. Prior to Niz Aziz’s emergence as a national political figure in the 1990s there was virtually no leader of the Islamist party with appeal across sectarian lines.

Burhanudin al-Helmy, President of the party from the mid-1950s to his death in 1967, did appeal to non-Muslims but that was because he had been associated with the multi-racial left wing cohort of the nationalist movement before and after the Second World War.

Hassan Adli, a PAS leader in Perak and near the top tier of his party’s hierarchy in the 1960s, was manifestly appealing to non-Muslims but did not endure long in the game, having met with an untimely death.

Ustaz Fadzil Noor

Not until Fadzil Noor (PAS President 1989-2002, above) who took over from Yusof Rawa had a PAS bigwig been able to breach the Muslim/non-Muslim divide and that, too, because Fadzil allowed his affection for a physically abused and humiliated Anwar Ibrahim in 1998 to prompt him to head Gerak, the multi-denominational NGO formed to protest the abuse of human rights mirrored in the sacked Deputy Prime Minister’s appalling treatment.

After Fadzil blazed the path, Nik Aziz steadily assumed centre stage as the PAS leader in possession of a magnetism that drew even non-Muslims into its orbit. The exemplary simplicity of his lifestyle as Menteri Besar (1990-2013) and resolute indifference to the material trappings of power shone like a beacon at a time when lengthy tenures in the upper tier of our political power pyramid invariably meant the occupant waxed with wealth.

That Nik Aziz was not materially acquisitive in an age rife with leaders grown florid on the perquisites of power was more than a display of spartan simplicity; it sustained the ideal of incorruptible governance at a time when power was synonymous with wealth.

Pause to evaluate Najib Abdul Razak’s reference to “family inheritance” as explanation to a query by the New York Times on the Prime Minister’s wealth.

From that standpoint, Pakatan was glad to have in Nik Aziz an indisputable exemplar of probity and morality. Pakatan supporters hailed Nik Aziz’s resolute opposition to a section of his party’s desire for a ‘unity government’ with UMNO in the aftermath of ruling party’s loss of its two-third majority in Parliament in the seminal March 2008 general election.

That opposition put paid to hopes of a unity government and allowed Malaysians the space to observe what a DAP-led Pakatan Rakyat government under Lim Guan Eng could do in Penang, the kinetic, albeit short span of a PAS-led government under Nizar Jamaluddin in Perak, and the financially well-managed tenure of Khalid Ibrahim in a PKR-led Pakatan administration in Selangor.

Breaching a psychological barrier

By thwarting the unity move, Nik Aziz allowed space and time for Pakatan to breach a psychological barrier among Malaysian voters – that the opposition in Malaysia are doomed to be backbenchers and not governors.

That and the panache of his visit to Penang during Thaipusam in early 2013 in the midst of public foreboding and tension caused by PERKASA Chief Ibrahim Ali’s threat to burn Malay language Bibles over the use of the ‘Allah’ term raised Nik Aziz to the pantheon of national leaders intent on transcending divisions than solidifying them.

The not so elevating aspects of Nik Aziz’s  persona was his scriptural literalness that saw him dismiss the Muslim organiser and participants of a dog show as people with “worms in their heads”.

Ailing for several years, his death yesterday comes at time when Pakatan is without its most recognisable leader, Anwar Ibrahim, now serving out a tendentious jail term, and just when PAS is intent on introducing the Islamic penal code (hudud), in Kelantan, which Nik Aziz would have ardently supported, to the dismay of his non-Muslim admirers.

This attraction-aversion syndrome which characterised the Nik Aziz phenomenon is set to define PAS politics in the foreseeable future awhile skewering the Pakatan position to the point of incoherence.

It’s enough to drive one to distraction until you consider what the alternative is – interminable rule by an UMNO-BN so decayed that the rising clamour to replace Najib as Prime Minster instantaneously elicits the expression “By whom?”


The Passing of Nik Aziz, the Spiritual Leader of PAS

February 13, 2015

The Passing of Nik Aziz, the Spiritual Leader of PAS: Obituary –The Malaysian Insider

“His life was gentle; and the elements
So mixed in him, that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world, this was a Man!”
William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar

Nik Aziz with AnwarPAS’ Nik Aziz Nik Mat

Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat’s death marks the loss of one of PAS’s most iconic and influential leaders – he was a cleric who has helped shape the course of the Islamist party for over three decades, and was a politician so unlike any other politician the country has seen.

Throughout his lifetime, Nik Aziz always struck a humble figure. Despite having the most powerful position in a party that boasted about one million members, and retaining the Kelantan menteri besar post for over two decades, the religious teacher was content staying in his old kampong house and driving around in his own car.

His gentle, subdued manner belied his fiery, bordering on zealous, determination to turn Kelantan into the first state in Malaysia to implement the controversial Shariah criminal law, as well as his instrumental role in overthrowing a former PAS President and turning the party around.

Even as his health deteriorated during his last months, the PAS spiritual adviser did not neglect his party during the recent Pengkalan Kubor by-election in Kelantan, and turned up at a PAS ceramah to deliver a brief but rousing speech.

Born on January 10, 1931 in Pulau Melaka, Kota Baru, Nik Aziz began his studies in pondok schools under the guidance of religious teachers around Kelantan and Terengganu before pursuing his tertiary education in Islamic University Darul Uloom Deoband, in India.

He obtained his Bachelor of Arts in Arabic Studies and Master of Arts in Islamic Jurisprudence from Al-Azhar University, Egypt. He returned to Malaysia in 1962 and served as a religious teacher in Kelantan, earning him the popular nickname “Tok Guru”.

Five years later, Nik Aziz joined PAS and won the Kelantan Hilir parliamentary seat in a by-election that same year, a seat that he held until 1986.

He witnessed the transition PAS underwent under the leftist pan-Islamism leadership of Burhanuddin al Helmy, to the Malay nationalist-leadership of Asri Muda, who took over the presidency in 1970 and nearly dragged the party to its early demise.

Asri’s most controversial decision was to announce PAS’s alliance with UMNO and its entry into the ruling coalition in 1972, ostensibly to strengthen Malay unity. But the move was doomed from the beginning, as many members and leaders unhappy with the decision either left or were purged from the party.

But the PAS-UMNO partnership was short lived: a disagreement between the two parties over the Kelantan Menteri Besar post saw PAS exit the alliance just five years later, and Kelantan, PAS’s long-treasured jewel, fell to Barisan Nasional (BN) in the 1978 general election. Nik Aziz was appointed Kelantan state commissioner immediately after PAS lost the state to UMNO.

It was Nik Aziz’s bitter, first-hand experience dealing with the fallout between UMNO and PAS that has kept the two parties from venturing into another alliance decades later, despite fringe voices urging for a unity government.

Nik Aziz and the new generation of leaders, did not stand idly by as Asri led the party to one of its worst electoral losses in history; he, Abdul Hadi Awang and the other clerics in the party sought to reorient PAS as an Islamic party led by the ulama faction.

Asri was ultimately pressured to resign from the party, and in 1990, under the leadership of former PAS President Datuk Fadzil Noor, the party wrested back Kelantan and Nik Aziz was appointed Menteri Besar. A year later, he succeeded former PAS President Yusof Rawa as the party’s spiritual advisor after the former passed away.

Nik Aziz held the position of Menteri Besar until May 6, 2013, a day after the 13th general election concluded. Throughout his 23 uninterrupted years of service, Kelantan remained a PAS stronghold even as Perak, Terengganu and Kedah fell to BN after they were briefly captured by the party.

No other PAS leader could boast being a Menteri Besar for such a long period of time; PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang was the Terengganu Menteri Besar for only one term, before losing the state to Barisan Nasional in the 2004 general election.

After relinquishing his Menteri Besar post, Nik Aziz continued to play an important role in both PAS and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) as the party’s spiritual adviser.

During the Selangor Menteri Besar crisis last year, which saw PAS threatening to break away from PR, Nik Aziz put his foot down and maintained that the party would remain with the opposition pact, even as other PAS leaders floated the idea of cooperating with UMNO.

But now with his passing, the future of PAS and its role in PR is no longer so certain, and with it, the possibility of an alternative coalition to take over Putrajaya. – February 12, 2015.

Farewell to Sen. Edward Brooke

January 4, 2013

Farewell to Sen. Edward Brooke, Civil Rights Pioneer

January 3 at 8:26 PM–The Washington Post

Edward Brooke-1966The Handsome Sen. Edward Brooke (circ 1966)

Edward W. Brooke, who in 1966 became the first African-American popularly elected to the U.S. Senate and who influenced major anti-poverty laws before his bright political career unraveled over allegations of financial impropriety, died January 3 at his home in Coral Gables, Fla. He was 95.

Ralph Neas, a family spokesman and former legislative aide to the senator, confirmed the death. The cause was not immediately disclosed.

Mr. Brooke, a liberal Massachusetts Republican, was one of only two African-Americans to serve in the Senate in the 20th century. He was the first to serve since Reconstruction, when state legislatures appointed senators. Six African-Americans have served in the Senate since Mr. Brooke left office in 1979, including Barack Obama, who was a U.S. senator from Illinois when he was elected president in 2008.

In a statement Saturday offering condolences to Brooke’s family, Obama said Brooke “stood at the forefront of the battle for civil rights and economic fairness,” adding that “he sought to build consensus and understanding across partisan lines, always working towards practical solutions to our nation’s challenges.”

Mr. Brooke grew up in a racially divided Washington. After distinguished combat service in the segregated U.S. Army during World War II, he forged a legal and political career in Massachusetts, becoming the state’s hard-charging attorney general before winning election to the Senate.

Edward Brooke

Former Massachusetts Senator Edward William Brooke stands at the Capitol before receiving the Congressional Gold Medal in October 2009. (Alex Brandon/Associated Press)

He was one of the most popular politicians in Massachusetts, known for his independence — from civil rights leaders and from conservative members of his party. Tall and husky, with a nimbus of closely cropped hair, he was regarded as charismatic and vigorous in a way that reminded many voters of another Massachusetts political figure: President John F. Kennedy.

In the Senate, Mr. Brooke served on the powerful Appropriations Committee and became the ranking Republican on the Banking Committee, which gave him influence over U.S. commerce, monetary and housing policy.

He was a black, Protestant Republican representing a state that was more than 95 percent white, overwhelmingly Catholic and two-thirds Democratic. “I do not intend to be a national leader of the Negro people,” he told Time magazine after his Senate election. “I intend to do my job as a senator from Massachusetts.”

Because he represented an overwhelmingly white state, Mr. Brooke found it politically expedient to play down race and push for civil rights legislation discreetly, said Judson Jeffries, a professor of African American studies at Ohio State University who has written extensively on blacks in politics.

Throughout his career, Mr. Brooke approached the politics of race gingerly. He opposed two Richard M. Nixon nominees for the U.S. Supreme Court over civil rights issues. Yet he refused to join the Congressional Black Caucus, although he did speak at its annual convention. He voted in favor of busing as a means to desegregate schools, although many of his Boston constituents reviled the policy.

As state attorney general, Mr. Brooke once fought the NAACP’s effort to boycott Boston’s public schools in protest of the city’s de facto segregation. Mr. Brooke ordered the students to attend class because the law required them to do so. It was an early instance of the independence he would show during his career. During the Watergate scandal, he was the first Senate Republican to call for President Nixon’s resignation.

Fair housing Housing was his overarching passion. With Senator. Walter Mondale (D-Minn.), he sponsored the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which prohibited discrimination based on race, color, religion or ethnicity.

Mr. Brooke hoped to influence civil rights through housing policy. “It’s not purely a Negro problem. It’s a social and economic problem — an American problem,” he told Time in 1967.

An amendment he introduced to the 1969 Housing Act capped public-housing rent at 25 percent of income. In 1981, the cap was raised to 30 percent.He later introduced the Equal Credit Opportunity Act, which allowed women to obtain credit independently of their husbands.

“He was well-respected on the Hill, because he was someone who could cross the aisle and work with people of a variety of perspectives,” said political scientist Darrell West, a former Brown University professor who works at the Brookings Institution.

In 2004, Mr. Brooke received the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian award, in large part because of his ability to bridge factions, West said. Mr. Brooke culled friendships with segregationists including Sens. Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.) and John C. Stennis (D-Miss.), who invited him to swim with them in the Senate’s pool. “They invited me to join them and urged me to use the pool as often as I could,” Mr. Brooke wrote in his memoir, “Bridging the Divide: My Life” (2006).

In political and media circles, Mr. Brooke was considered a potential presidential or vice-presidential contender. But his career tumbled after he filed for divorce in 1976. He and his wife, the Italian-born Remigia Ferrari-Scacco, had been separated more than a decade, but she contested the divorce. His deposition revealed that he had incorrectly reported to the Senate a loan from a friend and that he had helped his mother-in-law conceal money to help her qualify for Medicaid assistance for her nursing-home care. He used some of the money to buy a Watergate condo.

Mr. Brooke said his deposition disclosure was a mistake, based on misunderstandings of his own finances. A 10-month Senate ethics investigation followed, and he was charged with welfare fraud.

The allegations cost him at the polls. He lost in 1978 to then-Rep. Paul Tsongas (D-Mass.), who made a primary run for president in 1992. The charges were later dropped because the district attorney said the misstatements had no outcome on the divorce. The Senate ethics panel in 1979 said the offenses were not serious enough to warrant any punishment, and because he was no longer in the Senate, the committee’s role was moot.

Raised in Washington

The youngest of three children, Edward William Brooke III was born October. 26, 1919, in Washington. His father was a Veterans Administration lawyer.

The future senator graduated from Dunbar High School in Washington. He entered Howard University and became president of the university’s chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha, the nation’s oldest black collegiate fraternity. He pursued premedical studies until he failed organic chemistry and concluded he wanted to become a doctor only because of the prestige it offered. He changed his major to sociology and received his bachelor’s degree in 1941.

During World War II, Mr. Brooke served in the all-black 366th Infantry Regiment in Italy. He was awarded the Bronze Star Medal for leading a daylight attack on an artillery bunker. After the war, still stationed in Italy, he met Ferrari-Scacco, the daughter of a Genoese paper merchant. They married in 1947.

Following the war, he moved to Boston after two Army friends convinced him it was friendlier toward African-Americans than Washington was. He entered Boston University Law School on the GI Bill and edited the university’s law review. He graduated in 1948, then opened a law firm in Roxbury, a burgeoning black community in Boston.

Two friends prodded Mr. Brooke to run for the state House in 1950. Since election would be difficult, he ran in both the Republican and Democratic primaries, a strategy known as cross-filing that was legal at the time.

He received the Republican nomination but lost the general election. At the time, the Republican Party had a strong liberal wing, especially in the Northeast. He ran again in 1952, but slurs against his interracial marriage were so brutal, he renounced politics and focused on his law practice.

In 1960, Mr. Brooke ran for Massachusetts Secretary of State. He lost the election but was appointed to the Boston Finance Commission, a watchdog group, where he earned a reputation for rooting out corruption. In 1962, he won election as state attorney general by combining moderate politics with adroit campaigning skills, becoming the first African-American to hold that post in any state.

He served two terms and vigorously prosecuted corrupt politicians and organized crime, obtaining more than 100 grand jury indictments.

After his 1978 Senate defeat, Mr. Brooke became chairman of the National Low Income Housing Coalition and practiced law and later sat on several corporate boards. In 2008, journalist Barbara Walters acknowledged maintaining a long-running affair with him during the course of his first marriage.

Survivors include his wife of 35 years, Anne Fleming Brooke of Coral Gables; two daughters from his first marriage, Remi Goldstone and Edwina Petit; a son from his second marriage, Edward W. Brooke IV; a stepdaughter, Melanie Laflamme; and four grandchildren.

In 2002, Mr. Brooke was diagnosed with breast cancer, a rare disease in men, and underwent surgery to remove both breasts.

Mr. Brooke was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal, Congress’s highest civilian honor, in 2009 for his contribution to fair-housing laws and for his inspiration to later generations of African-American officeholders.

“If one looks at civil rights broadly, I would not call him a civil rights icon,” Jeffries said, “but I would call him a pioneer of the civil rights movement.”

My friend Ani Arope has died


UPDATE–December 22, 2014

December 20, 2014

My friend Ani Arope has died

by Stephen Ng@

Ani AropeAni Arope–a Patriot and Man of Integrity

Ani Arope, 82, passed away today at 5.20am while undergoing treatment at the Sime Darby Ramsay Medical Centre in Subang Jaya.

The former chief of Tenaga Nasional Berhad (TNB) had been fighting a battle against prostate cancer over the past two years. After a short funeral, his body was laid to rest at Perkuburan Islam Shah Alam this afternoon. Condolences can also be posted on Ani Arope’s Facebook page.

Ani Arope was best known for standing his ground in 1996 and quit his post as executive chairperson in TNB instead of signing the lopsided deal with independent power producers controlled by a number of cronies of then premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad. Under the deal, TNB was forced to buy electricity generated by these IPPs at a significantly higher price.

He released his memoirs last year. In the book ‘Memoirs of Tan Sri Ani Arope’ published by the Fulbright Alumni Association of Malaysia, Ani revealed how, after the landmark blackout in Peninsular Malaysia in 1992, TNB was forced to surrender the land it had acquired in Paka, Terengganu, and Pasir Gudang, Johor, to a third party for power plants.

‘He had been a fighter’

Born in 1932 in Seberang Perai, Penang, the late Ani Arope left behind wife Saenah Ahmad and three children – Sakinah, Salina and Ismail. Sakinah  said that her father had been battling cancer for a long time.”We had expected him to go,” she said. “In fact, we are relieved that he is now resting in peace. He had been a fighter all throughout the time that he was not well.”

Prayers at Balai Islam, Tenaga Nasional HQ in Bangsar, Kuala Lumpur

Her younger daughter, Salina, who is still in Switzerland, said the family has accepted the fate. “From God, we came, to God, we shall return,” she wrote in her WhatsApp message to Sakinah. “Thank you for being there for him.”Salina added: “What a journey (that father has taken). We pity him. He had endured so much medical treatment. Too much… He had been a soldier and braved through so many treatments.”

Among the dignitaries who came were the Sultan of Perlis Tuanku Syed Sirajuddin Putra Jamalullail, former Minister Sanusi Junid, nephew Hamid Pawanteh, Lembah Pantai Parliamentarian Nurul Izzah, Raja Eleena Sultan Azlan Shah, and his oncologist, Dr Ahmad Kamal, who cut short of his holiday in order to be present for the funeral.

Earlier at Tenaga Nasional Headquarters’ Balai Islam in Bangsar, Kuala Lumpur family, friends and associates gathered to pay their respects and said prayers before his body was sent to Shah Alam for burial.


Part 1: Race riots could be costly, warns Ani Arope in memoirs

Part 2: Ultra Malays out to polarise nation, warns Ani Arope

Part 3: Ani Arope on how TNB got a raw deal from IPPs

Part 4: Why such uneasiness among Muslims


Malay Film Legend Aziz Sattar dies

May 6, 2014

Malay Film Legend Aziz Sattar dies

by Bernama


Malay Film Legend Abdul Aziz Sattar, 89, passed away at Kajang Hospital early today following a heart attack.


The actor and comedian, unforgettable in his role in the Bujang Lapuk movie series, died at 2am, according to his daughter, Sandakiah. Abdul Aziz acted together with the legendary P Ramlee and the late S Shamsuddin as the Bujang Lapuk trio in the 1950s.

His remains were brought to his residence in Bandar Tun Hussein Onn, Cheras before burial at the Cheras Perdana Muslim cemetery after Zohor prayers this afternoon.