Scapegoating Hannah when UMNO Malays can’t deal with Reality


May 23, 2017

Scapegoating Hannah when UMNO Malays can’t deal with Reality

by Dennis Ignatius

Becoming Hannah

How long must our nation suffer the narrow-mindedness and bigotry of insecure people who still find it hard to accept that Malaysia is a secular, multiracial nation? When will they start taking responsibility for their own choices including the books they choose to read?–Dennis Ignatius

My answer to Dennis Ignatius’Q1: For as long as UMNO remains in power with leaders like Najib Razak and his cohorts. These leaders are corrupt in body and spirit and they will retard the Malay mind and manipulate Islam for their own benefit by making the Malays insecure and bigoted.–Din Merican

Image result for hannah yeoh's autobiography

Once again, Christians are in the spotlight following allegations that they are trying to confuse Muslims, undermine their faith and subvert the nation. For good measure, tiresome old canards about a global plot by Christian and Zionist groups to destabilise Malaysia are being recycled.

Never mind that our own leaders are doing a pretty good job of destabilizing the country all on their own.

The confusion of the confused

The latest furore is over Hannah Yeoh’s book, ‘Becoming Hannah,’ in which the Selangor State Assembly Speaker chronicles how her faith inspired her to seek political office to help secure, by God’s grace and much prayer, a better future for all Malaysians.

It is an amazing narrative that speaks not just of Hannah’s courage and character but about a beautiful side to our nation where a young Malaysian Chinese-Christian could become speaker of Malaysia’s most populous state.

While many would celebrate such success stories, it was apparently too much for one university lecturer who, according to his own words, as reported by the press, found himself admiring the greatness of the God of Hannah and being impressed by her faith in the person of Jesus Christ. That in itself is an intriguing statement but in this environment, the less said the better, I suppose.

Image result for hannah yeoh's autobiography

The Not Stupid but idiotic Universiti Utara Malaysia Academic who made a police report in Changloon, Kedah. UMNO will reward idiots like him.He knows how to get ahead in Malaysia

Apparently shocked to discover that a Christian autobiography would “contain parables and excerpts from the Bible,” he lodged a police report alleging that it was an attempt to “coax, influence and instigate” non-Christians [including himself] to convert or deepen their interest in Christian teachings. He was also apparently disturbed to find references to Jesus as the Son of God in the book.

What was he expecting anyway when he picked up a book written by a Christian? It’s hard to make sense of such convoluted and confused reasoning. That it should come from a university lecturer speaks volumes about the calibre of those now occupying positions of influence in our universities today.

How long must our nation suffer the narrow-mindedness and bigotry of insecure people who still find it hard to accept that Malaysia is a secular, multiracial nation? When will they start taking responsibility for their own choices including the books they choose to read?

Standing with Hannah

Thankfully, there are still political and civic leaders around who are committed enough to the vision of a united, multiracial and multi-religious nation to ensure that Hannah did not have to stand alone against this latest outbreak of bigotry and wanton prejudice.

Muslim leaders and activists like former Law Minister Zaid Ibrahim, lawyer Art Harun, PKR’s Nik Nazmi, Amanah’s Salahuddin Ayub, DAP’s Syerleena Abdul Rashid and Bebas’ Azrul Khalib defended her integrity and praised her for the respect she has always shown to other faith and ethnic groups. Many also expressed open admiration for the way her faith inspires her to serve with integrity and commitment and called her an outstanding politician and role model.

Their courageous and timely intervention helped to quickly put things in perspective and prevent the whole issue from getting out of hand. Though the voices of tolerance and moderation are all too few these days, they help push back the darkness of prejudice and bigotry that now hover over our nation.

The silence of the BN crowd, however, was noticeable. Some of them were quick to criticise Hannah when she respectfully covered her head at a mosque gathering but couldn’t find the courage to speak out when an important national principle was at stake.

Image result for MCA and MIC Leaders

The Pakhanggog  Leaders from Gerakan, MCA, and MIC

At times like this, all those who value freedom and cherish our constitutional rights and privileges must take a stand irrespective of party, ethnic or religious affiliation. When we stay silent we cede the public square, that space that rightly belongs to all Malaysians, to bigotry and prejudice.

As Edmund Burke famously noted, the surest way for evil to prevail is for the rest of us –good people–to do nothing.

Faith in the public square

Image result for MCA and MIC Leaders

The Pak Hunggok Leaders of Gerakan, MCA and MIC Leaders

The furore over Hannah’s book is also a timely reminder that faith that inspires integrity in public service, that leads men and women to serve their fellow citizens with honour, respect and dignity, is more needed than ever before.

God help that nation that has a deficit of such men and women of faith in public office.

By her actions, Hannah has come to exemplify the Christian perspective that faith in Jesus Christ compels them to work with their fellow citizens to build a nation defined by love, compassion, justice and righteousness. It lays upon them, as well, a burden to reach out to the poor, the hurting, the marginalized people all around us and, when asked, to give the reason for the hope they carry in their hearts.

Let somebody tell me that all that is wrong, that it is against the national interest, that it undermines national security, that it has no place in our society.

Becoming Hannah

I admire Hannah. I admire her integrity, her courage, her transparency, her service to the people who elected her, and her fealty to the constitution of our nation. And I am thankful that such a person has felt called to give herself to public service. In an age of corrupt, cynical and conniving politicians, Hannah is a breath of fresh air. She inspires me and gives me hope.How I wish more of our politicians would become like Hannah.

The Malay Dilemma Revisited (Updated and Revised Version)–A Strongly Recommended Read


May 23, 2017

The Malay Dilemma Revisited (Updated and Revised Version)–A Strongly Recommended Read

Few countries today have culturally or ethnically homogenous populations, the consequence of colonization, globalization, and mass migrations. Thus, the Malaysian dilemma of socioeconomic and other inequities paralleling racial and cultural divisions has global relevance as it also burdens many nations.

Malaysia’s basic instrument in ameliorating these horizontal (between groups) inequities has been its New Economic Policy (NEP). Its core mechanism being preferential socio-economic and other initiatives favoring indigenous Malays and other non-immigrant minorities, as well as massive state interventions in the marketplace. In place since 1970 in the aftermath of the deadly 1969 race riots, NEP has been continuously “strengthened,” meaning, ever increasing resources expended and preferences being imposed with greater assertiveness.

Malaysia succeeded to some degree in reducing her earlier inequities and in the process created a sizeable Malay middle class. There was however, a steep price. Apart from the marketplace distortions and consequent drag on the economy, those earlier horizontal inequities are now replaced by the more destabilizing vertical variety. NEP also bred a rentier- economy mindset among Malays and other recipient communities. Those preferences now impair rather than enhance the recipents’ (in particular Malay) competitiveness, the universal law of unintended consequences being operative.

Initiated by Prime Minister Razak in 1970, his successor, Mahathir, raised NEP to a much more aggressive level, only to have that initiative today corrupted and degraded by, ironically, Tun Razak’s son, current Prime Minister Najib. By July 2016, the US Department of Justice alleges that “Malaysian Official 1” (aka Najib) illicitly siphoned over US$3.5 Billion from a government-linked corporation, 1MDB. Corruption on such a gargantuan scale was the predictable and inevitable consequence of Malaysia’s New Economic Policy and state interventions in the marketplace.

Image result for dr. m. bakri musa

The book chronicles Mahathir’s and Najib’s perversion of a once noble endeavor. Najib now adds another volatile mix. Desperate to hang on to power, he adds religious fanaticism to his already corrosive corruption and destructive incomptence. He now cavorts with extremist Islamists, threatening and undermining the nation’s still fragile race dynamics. Malaysia is today still burdened and blighted by Najib’s inept, corrupt, and chauvinistic leadership, with no end in sight. This would inevitably undermone the current fragile but still peaceful racial equilibrium in the country.

Instead of arbitrarily-picked numbers and targets, Malaysia should focus on strengthening Malay competitiveness through enhancing our human and social capitals. Modernizing the education system to emphasize the sciences, mathematics, English fluency, and technical training would address the first. Curtailing royal institutions and other vestiges of feudalism, as well as the regressive form of religion as propagated by the state, would develop the second. It is difficult to wean Malays off the special privilege narcotic when the sultans are frolicking at the top of the heap.

Beyond chronicling the failures of both the Najib and Mahathir Administrations, the author offers these alternative strategies for enhancing Malay competitiveness. Apart from improving the quality of our human and social capital through modern education and responsive institutions, the author advocates removing or at least toning down the stifling influence of official religion.–Dr. M. Bakri Musa

New Economic Policy–Malaysia’s Deformative Action Progamme


May 20, 2017

Malaysia’s Deformative Action–Doing the Malays a Disfavour

Income-based benefits would work much better.

Najib Razak –A Spoilt Aristocrat and the Embodiment of Malaysia’s New Economic Policy introduced by his Father, Tun Abdul Razak and exploited by Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohammad to  retard and subjugate the Malays. Incentives Matter. Reward Performance and Discipline.–Din Merican

WHAT government would not like to reduce racial disparities and promote ethnic harmony? The tricky part is knowing how. One country that claims to have found a way is Malaysia. Since 1971 it has given preferential treatment in everything from education to investing to bumiputeras—people of indigenous descent, who are two-thirds of the population but poorer than their ethnic-Chinese and -Indian compatriots.

On the face of things, this system of affirmative action has been a success (see article). The gap in income between Malays (the biggest bumiputera group) and Chinese- and Indian-Malaysians has narrowed dramatically. Just as important, there has been no repeat of the bloody race riots of 1969, when Malay mobs burned Chinese shops in Kuala Lumpur, prompting the adoption of the policy. And the economy—typically an instant victim of heavy-handed government attempts at redistribution—has grown healthily.

Small wonder that some see Malaysia as a model. South African politicians cited it when adopting their plan for “Black Economic Empowerment” in the early 2000s. More recently Indonesian activists have been talking about instituting something similar there. Malaysia, meanwhile, keeps renewing the policy, which was originally supposed to end in 1991. Just last month Najib Razak, the prime minister (pictured), launched the latest iteration: the catchily named Bumiputera Economic Transformation Roadmap (BETR) 2.0, which, among other things, will steer a greater share of government contracts to bumiputera businesses.

Money for old rope

Yet the results of Malaysia’s affirmative-action schemes are not quite what they seem. Malays in neighbouring Singapore, which abjures racial preferences, have seen their incomes grow just as fast as those of Malays in Malaysia. That is largely because the Singaporean economy has grown faster than Malaysia’s, which may in turn be a product of its more efficient and less meddling bureaucracy. Singapore, too, has been free from race riots since 1969.

If the benefits of cosseting bumiputeras are not as clear as they first appear, the costs, alas, are all too obvious. As schools, universities and the bureaucracy have become less meritocratic, Chinese and Indians have abandoned them, studying in private institutions and working in the private sector instead. Many have left the country altogether, in a brain drain that saps economic growth.

Steering so many benefits to Malays—developers are even obliged to give them discounts on new houses—has created a culture of entitlement and dependency. Malays have stopped thinking of affirmative action as a temporary device to diminish inequality. As descendants of Malaysia’s first settlers, they now consider it a right.

The result is that a system intended to quell ethnic tensions has entrenched them. Many poorer Malays vote reflexively for UMNO, the Malay party that introduced affirmative action in the 1970s and has dominated government since then, for fear that another party might take away their privileges. With these votes in the bag, UMNO’s leaders can get away with jaw-dropping abuses, such as the continuing scandal at 1MDB, a development agency that mislaid several billion dollars, much of which ended up in officials’ pockets, according to American investigators. Minorities, in turn, overwhelmingly support parties that advocate less discrimination against them.

READ THIS:

http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21722208-government-reserves-even-mobile-phone-stalls-people-indigenous-descent-race-based

THERE is something odd about MARA Digital, a cluster of stalls selling laptops, mobiles and other gizmos on the second floor of a shopping centre in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s multicultural capital. No ethnic-Chinese or -Indian entrepreneurs are allowed to do business here. Spots in the market are reserved for Malays, the country’s majority race. The year-old venue was set up with subsidies from the government, which insists that its experiment in segregated shop-holding has been a big success. It has already launched an offshoot in Shah Alam, a nearby city, and talks of opening at least five more branches this year.

This project is just one recent outcome of racially discriminatory policies which have shaped Malaysian society for more than 50 years. Schemes favouring Malays were once deemed essential to improve the lot of Malaysia’s least wealthy racial group; these days they are widely thought to help mostly the well-off within that group, while failing the poor and aggravating ethnic tensions. Yet affirmative action persists because it is a reliable vote-winner for the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the Malay party that has dominated government since independence. Malays are more than half of the population, so their views carry weight.

Last month UMNO launched a fresh batch of race-based giveaways. Harried by claims that it allowed billions to be looted from 1MDB, a state investment firm, and preparing for an election that may be called this year, the party looks disinclined to consider reform.

Affirmative action in Malaysia began shortly after the departure in the 1950s of British colonial administrators, who had opened the cities to immigrant merchants and labourers from India and China but largely preferred to keep Malays toiling in the fields. The practice accelerated after 1969, when a race riot in the capital killed scores. (Most of the victims were Chinese.) The New Economic Policy (NEP) of 1971 had two goals: to reduce absolute poverty across all races, and to boost in particular the prospects of Malays, whose average income at the time was roughly half that of their Chinese compatriots.

A temporary eternity

Although the NEP’s authors believed affirmative action would be needed for only 20 years, the practice has continued ever since, as such “temporary” policies typically have in other countries. Malaysia’s bumiputeras, which means “sons of the soil” and which refers both to Malays and to a number of indigenous groups deemed deserving of a leg-up, have accumulated a panoply of privileges. Some of these are enshrined in legislation; others are left unwritten. These include quotas for places at public universities; preferment for government jobs; discounts on property purchases and access to a reserved slice of public share offerings.

Since the NEP’s inception Malaysia’s economy has grown enormously. Its people are now the third-richest in South-East Asia, behind only Singapore and oil-soaked Brunei. Affirmative action has helped to narrow the difference between the incomes of Malays and other races. But pro-bumiputera schemes are almost never means-tested, so their benefits have accrued disproportionately to already wealthy urbanites, allowing poverty among the neediest Malays to persist.

Meanwhile the lure of the public sector—which was expanded to create more posts for bumiputeras, and in which Malays are now vastly over-represented—has sapped entrepreneurial vigour among Malays, as has a welter of grants and soft loans for bumiputera firms. Race-based entry criteria have lowered standards at Malaysia’s public universities; so has the flight of non-bumiputera academics who sense that promotions are no longer linked to merit. These days Chinese and Indians largely end up studying in private institutions or abroad, in effect segregating tertiary education. Many of those who leave the country do not return.

None of this is lost on the ruling party. For some years UMNO was split between hardline supporters of affirmative action (like the demonstrators pictured above) and moderates dismayed by the distortions it has brought. In an unusually candid paper published in 2010, the new government of Najib Razak, the prime minister, admitted that affirmative action had created an “entitlement culture and rentier behaviour”. It mooted swapping race-based policies for action intended to lift the incomes of Malaysia’s poorest 40%, regardless of ethnicity. Yet within months that suggestion was quietly abandoned.

Since then the party’s thinkers have grown more risk-averse. UMNO almost fell from power at a general election in 2013, when minority voters abandoned its coalition partners. Since early 2015 it has been trying to distract attention from the theft of billions of dollars from 1MDB (American investigators allege that $681m of the state firm’s money was paid to the prime minister, a charge Mr Najib denies). Neither of these near-death experiences appears to have prompted much soul-searching. Instead the party is trying to preserve support among Malay voters by reinforcing pro-Malay policies and by building bridges with PAS, an Islamist opposition party that is growing more extreme.

Optimists argue that the government has not completely abandoned reform. An efficiency drive has called attention to the public sector’s bloated state, even if the material gains from the effort are unclear. And whereas UMNO’s leaders once boasted of their desire to create Malay millionaires, recent schemes are more likely to aid small and medium-sized firms. But this is all rather modest—particularly when ugly racial rhetoric is on the rise.

Malaysia’s failing system of race-based preferences will probably not attract the criticism it deserves in the run-up to the next general election, which Mr Najib may call later this year and which he is likely to win. Opposition parties are keen to show poor rural Malays that UMNO’s policies have shortchanged them, but tend not to openly bash the notion of race-based affirmative action. Egged on by bigots, some Malays have come to see their economic privileges as a right earned by their ancestors when they first settled the territory, not as a temporary leg-up. Meritocracy and the distribution of benefits based on need remain distant prospects.

This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline “Malays on the march”–The Economist
Image result for The Malays

The ambition to improve the lot of Malaysia’s neediest citizens is a worthy one. But defining them by race is a mistake. It allows a disproportionate amount of the benefits of affirmative action to accrue to well-off Malays, who can afford to buy the shares set aside for them at IPOs, for example, or to bid for the government contracts Mr Najib is reserving for them. It would be much more efficient, and less poisonous to race relations, to provide benefits based on income. Most recipients would still be Malays. And defusing the issue should pave the way for more nuanced and constructive politics. Perhaps that is why UMNO has resisted the idea for so long.

This article appeared in the Leaders section of the print edition under the headline “Deformative action”

The University of Cambodia Honors Dr. Tony Fernandes of AirAsia


May 19, 2017

The University of Cambodia named its Business School in honor of Dr. Tony Fernandes, AirAsia Group CEO

by AirAsia Press Release

photo6120594010918725553.jpg_1495178094

The University of Cambodia (UC) has named its business school after AirAsia Group CEO Tony Fernandes. UC unveiled the Tony Fernandes School of Business and its accompanying logo on the eighth floor of the main campus building last Wednesday.

A lecture hall in the same building, which will be used for hosting conferences, workshops and seminars, was also christened after AirAsia. Fernandes had earlier been conferred an Honorary Doctorate in Management by the university at SEATV Auditorium here for revolutionising air travel in ASEAN and facilitating regional integration through greater connectivity.

The University of Cambodia Founder, Chairman, Board of Trustees, and President HE Dr Kao Kim Hourn said, “It is a privilege to name this school after Tony, in honour of his outstanding success as an entrepreneur. What makes him truly exceptional is that, despite his many achievements, he remains humble and down-to-earth, demonstrating compassion for others through his philanthropy and support for sports. We hope that by bringing Cambodia and Malaysia closer, we can further strengthen the fraternal relations between our two countries in years to come.”

^DCAEF20B1C16346911492E1358B5D2BB6DC4CE0AD242475731^pimgpsh_fullsize_distr

AirAsia Group CEO Tan Sri Tony Fernandes said, “What an amazing honour to be recognised by The University of Cambodia. I’m not sure I deserve to have a school named after me but I hope the students here will be inspired by what they can achieve if they believe the unbelievable, dream the impossible and never take no for an answer.”

AirAsia operates five routes to Phnom Penh and Siem Reap – with a sixth to Sihanoukville from next month – connecting Cambodia to the rest of Asean and beyond with just one stop via Kuala Lumpur or Bangkok to more than 120 destinations in Asia, Australia and New Zealand, the Middle East and the US. The University of Cambodia School of Business was ranked as Cambodia’s top business school in the Eduniversal Business Schools Ranking 2016, which rated it as a “good business school with strong regional influence”.

About The University of Cambodia

uclogo

Since its founding in 2003, The University of Cambodia (UC) has become a premier higher education institution in Cambodia. It is an intellectual community where students learn how to explore their curiosities, create and share knowledge, refine and challenge ideas, promote greater understanding, and serve their families and communities. Based in Phnom Penh, The University of Cambodia offers a range of degrees through Associate’s, Bachelor’s, Master’s, and Doctoral programmes. All Colleges and Schools are officially recognized by the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC), the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport (MoEYS), and the Accreditation Committee of Cambodia (ACC). UC is also a member of the Cambodian Higher Education Association (CHEA). Currently, the University operates six colleges and two schools, including the Tony Fernandes School of Business, and offers students the choice to study in two languages, English and Khmer.

About AirAsia

AirAsia, the leading and largest low-cost carrier in Asia by passengers carried, services an extensive network of over 120 2000px-AirAsia_New_Logo.svgdestinations. Since starting operations in 2001, AirAsia has carried more than 330 million guests and grown its fleet from just two aircraft to over 200. The airline is proud to be a truly ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) airline with established operations based in Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines as well as India and Japan, servicing a network stretching across Asia, Australia and New Zealand, the Middle East and the US. AirAsia has been named the World’s Best Low-Cost Airline at the annual Skytrax World Airline Awards eight times in a row from 2009 to 2016. AirAsia was also awarded World’s Leading Low-Cost Airline for the fourth consecutive year at the 2016 World Travel Awards, where it beat a field of full-service carriers to become the first ever low-cost carrier to win World’s Leading Inflight Service.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Book Review: Dr Shankaran Nambiar –Malaysia in Troubled Times


May 11, 2017

Book Review: Dr Shankaran Nambiar –Malaysia in Troubled Times

by Tricia Teoh

“THE absence of good institutions and transparency in public undertakings, government procurement, and … the design of public policy has the potential to shake investor confidence” is how economist Shankaran Nambiar sums up the macroeconomic conditions of Malaysia.

In his latest book, Malaysia in Troubled Times, which compiles Nambiar’s articles in newspapers between 2014 and 2016, he deftly articulates his positions on issues. He grapples mainly with the question of “where is the economy headed towards”, which he asks numerous times across his pieces, an evident sign of his deep concern over the trends taking place in the country.

Nambiar articulates what many observers of Malaysian issues have struggled with: despite our economy not hitting negative growth, not being in danger of defaulting on sovereign debt and the fact that the central bank having adequate reserves to cover shortfalls, he states clearly that yes, indeed, we should still exercise great caution with respect to the Malaysian economy.

And why so? Various pieces indicate why observers should be worried – an outflow of foreign funds, the sharp decline of oil prices, which has in turn led to a growing federal fiscal deficit, and … “doubts on the efficacy of government linked companies”.

Image result for  Idris Jala

When Malaysia is in trouble, follow Idris Jala and play the Guitar

The challenges facing Malaysia stretch beyond our borders, and here Nambiar wades through regional waters to help readers understand the dynamics behind the now-dead Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement, the Regional Cooperation Economic Partnership, and the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific, which he highlights is indicative of China flexing its muscles in the region.

Malaysia, he says, “has a special, valuable relationship with China, which places it in an excellent position to help establish a stable security landscape in the region”. Of course, the “special relationship” we have with China would now be interpreted in a very different light today, given the many bilateral deals Malaysia has now signed with China. Apart from arguing for how ASEAN can build itself up as a stronger regional pact, it is also refreshing that he brings in Asean-India economic ties and goes on to push for greater Malaysia-India improvements in trade and investment, which apparently our neighbours Singapore and South Korea have put a lot more effort in than we have.

Above all, Nambiar is a faithful believer of Keynes, whom he quotes several times in the book, saying that “positive expectations and ‘animal spirits’ spur aggregate demand and economic growth”, and that “at the moment it seems that the animal within the economy is wounded”. He cleverly works his critique of the economy through metaphors such as these, but stops short of blatantly dismissing any efforts being made by policymakers to improve the economic conditions of the country. He could also have done more in providing solutions to what he considers to be ailing our economy.

Despite the nuanced tone of his writings, it is clear that he harbours silent frustration with public policies and their implementation in Malaysia. Although the book focuses mainly on technical economic matters, Nambiar also ventures into “getting the big picture right”. He questions Malaysia’s dismal performance in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) and Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS). He emphasises the importance of good public transport, education, human resource development and healthcare. And perhaps most importantly, he questions whether our politicians and policymakers are truly connected with the economy “as experienced by traders, technicians, taxi driver and executives”.

It is now almost two years after one of Nambiar’s pieces titled “Do we need to create scenarios for a future Malaysia?” and yet it seems even more imperative to do so today. With the elections near, this is what policymakers ought to do. And if they are not, then citizens ought to instead, and demand that their representatives pave the way for the right future to actuate.

An imagined future has to be one that, Nambiar argues, goes beyond motherhood statements like “being united in diversity and sharing a common set of values and aspirations” that he considers merely “dreamy visions of the future”. One has to concretely build scenarios based on concrete issues such as income distribution, incorporating input from a “constraint approach” (what are the stumbling blocks?) as well as a “global basis approach” (how does Malaysia fit into this matrix based on global trends?).
It is on this note that the book hits the nail hard on its head. Nambiar’s voice that constantly urges and pushes for the creation of the “spirit of this big picture” reminds us that simply, there is none of this presently that so inspires. His is a thoughtful, objective and incisive perspective of a nation that could be much more – and his desires for a better, more productive, wealthy Malaysia are evident.

Policymakers and politicians serious about addressing challenges to the Malaysian economy would benefit from a thorough reading of Nambiar’s book. They should also take heed of his advice that in thinking of the long-term, they must be “realistic about the present state of affairs”. This would be a good first starting point.

Comments: letters@thesundaily.com

Malaysiakini: The Last Independent Media left standing in Malaysia


Malaysiakini: The Last Independent Media left standing in Malaysia

by Dean Johns@www.malaysiakini.com

Image result for Deputy Home Minister Nur Jazlan Mohamed and Malaysiakini

The Brave Men and Women of Malaysiakini

It was amusing in an agonising kind of way to read recently that the UMNO-BN regime’s Deputy Home Minister Nur Jazlan Mohamed chose to celebrate World Press Freedom Day by claiming in a radio interview that Malaysiakini is a “very biased” media outlet.

Because, though of course he allegedly had no intention of telling the truth, in fact quite the opposite, his assertion was perfectly accurate in one unintended sense.

Which is that, as far as I’ve been able to discern during the 18 years of existence, Malaysiakini is totally biased towards doing its duty as a disseminator of accurate information to its audience by reporting the news faithfully, or, as famously stated by the great Adolph Ochs when he took charge of The New York Times in 1896, without fear or favour.

And thus by implication Malaysiakini is also, as any legitimate news organisation must be, similarly biased against the systematic censorship, skewing and indeed outright screwing of the truth by such fake ‘news’ organisations as Umno/BN’s so-called ‘mainstream’ media.

A system of organised deception so deplorable that it has resulted in Malaysia’s being ranked a decidedly rank 144th place in the latest world press-freedom report released by the widely-trusted news-media watchdog Reporteurs Sans Frontières (RFS).

But Nur Jazlan, having branded Malaysiakini as “biased” against the ruthlessly truthless regime he represents, had the effrontery to go on to accuse RFS of being “unfair” in giving Malaysia such a lamentably low ranking.

Claiming in support of this allegation that RFS focused on print rather than online media in its assessments of relative press freedom, and citing the fact that Malaysia rates a mere five places above “totalitarian” China as evidence for his contention that “the index is fraudulent in many ways”.

While for my part I would argue, entirely to the contrary, that Malaysia’s depressing press-freedom ranking is not only a richly-deserved disgrace in and of itself, but also by extension an index of the utter fraudulence of every facet of the nation’s ever-ruling UMNO-BN regime.

But of course it’s entirely predictable that I’d use this column to thus calumniate UMNO-BN’s corruptions and countless other ‘criminalities’.

Indeed, by the very act of publishing my opinions, albeit with the customary legal disclaimer that it doesn’t necessarily share or endorse them, Malaysiakini demonstrates that its bias is not only towards the impartial reporting of true news, but also by extension in favour of the healthy airing and exchanging of views.

Views that, to speak entirely of my own, are as biased as they can possibly be. But genuinely, legitimately, justly and truly biased, I hope, on the basis of compelling evidence or careful consideration or both.

‘Divorced from law and justice’

Truly biased, if you like, either in favour of or against people, organisations and ideas according to which side I perceive that they represent of the duality that Aristotle expressed in advancing the opinion that “as man is the best of all animals when he has reached his full development, so he is the worst of all when divorced from law and justice”.

As phrases go, it seems to me that “divorced from law and justice” is as apt as any to describe the condition of the countless ruling regimes around the world that, like Malaysia’s UMNO-BN and the Chinese Communist Party, deprive their citizens of true information and freedom of both thought and expression for the purpose of furthering their members’ and supporters’ power and profit.

Image result for Steven Gan and Premesh Chandran

The Woodward and Bernstein of Malaysian Journalism–Premesh Chandran and Steven Gan of Malaysiakini:They are biased towards facts and the truth, not fake news. I admire and respect them for their courage under fire and their integrity and professionalism. As Malaysiakini’s SEACEM Fellow, I had the opportunity to interact with them.–Din Merican

Image result for bernstein and woodward

Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward of The Washington Post who exposed The Watergate Scandal that eventually brought down President Richard M. Nixon

In other words, to prevent any possibility of their people’s becoming legitimately biased against them and their misrule, they do everything possible to keep as many of them as possible as ignorantly and even idiotically donkey-like, or, if you prefer, biased.

Biased primarily, as in the case of the self-proclaimed ‘Islamic’ but actually supposedly criminal UMNO-BN regime, against non-Malays and non-Muslims, but also against such other alleged boogeymen and bugbears as Jews, Western liberals and even foreigners in general.

And to ensure that they remain as dumb and docile as possible in their blissfully biassed state of mind, UMNO-BN squanders some of the fortunes in public funds it allegedly routinely steals from the rakyat by means of scams ranging in size from everyday kickbacks and ‘commissions’ on up to such alleged massive swindles as the Port Klang Free Zone (PKFZ) and 1MDB scams on bribing the biassed to keep quiet and above all keep voting for them, with cash handouts that many Malaysians cynically and highly appropriately call ‘dedak’ or animal feed.

Image result for Nur Jazlan

Nur Jazlan– the Ampu man for Najib Razak

And of course heaps of cash also goes to buy the services of masses of asses, like the aforementioned Deputy Home Minister Nur Jazlan, countless other UMNO-BN ministers and members, and the managements and ‘journalists’ of the ‘mainstream media’.

Or, in other words, buy-asses charged with and generously paid for keeping the biassed fed with a constant diet of alleged lies.

Like what Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak recently spouted in the latest of his regular attempts to keep the masses as biassed or in other words as unthinking and dumb as the ‘domesticated animals’ that Kant appropriately called those lacking in the will to use their human intelligence.

Najib proposed that Malaysians espouse three ‘principles’, identified as Wala’ (Loyalty), Wassatiyyah (Moderation) and Tabayyun (Understanding), that he claimed will ensure Malaysia’s success.

But his explanation of Wala’ as embodying the values of “love, obedience and allegiance to a legitimate leadership and the institutions which they represent” sounded to me suspiciously like just another exercise in Najib-style pleadership for people to keep blindly following his bleedership.

So all I can hope is that the biassed and even the buy-assed will finally someday come to see Najib and his accomplices in UMNO-BN for the curse they are on Malaysia, and thus become as terminally biased against them as I, Malaysiakini, or indeed anybody in his or her right mind couldn’t possibly help being.


DEAN JOHNS, after many years in Asia, currently lives with his Malaysian-born wife and daughter in Sydney, where he coaches and mentors writers and authors and practices as a writing therapist. Published books of his columns for Malaysiakini include ‘Mad about Malaysia’, ‘Even Madder about Malaysia’, ‘Missing Malaysia’, ‘1Malaysia.con’ and ‘Malaysia Mania’.