Teuku Adnan: A Referendum for Kuala Lumpur too?


February 7, 2017

Tengku (Teuku) Adnan’s Folly: Taking on Penang

COMMENT: I have a simple message for this corrupt Fake Royalty, Teuku Adnan and that is leave Penang alone. Stop diverting our attention from Kuala Lumpur. Nurul Izzah has said enough about his track record as Federal Territories Minister. I have nothing substantive to add except to say that our national capital is a snake pit of corrupt viper like officials led by Teuku Adnan. Georgetown in contrast is a well-managed and attractive place for all visitors.–Din Merican.

Read this:

http://www.penang.ws/penang-attractions/placevisit.htm

A Referendum for Kuala Lumpur too?

by Nurul Izzah Anwar, MP@www.malaysikini.com

 

Image result for Penang Panoramic View

Penang’s version of Hollywood’s Rodeo Drive, Penang Road is arguably the most important thoroughfare on the island. A mixture of nouveau-riche and quaint heritage, it runs the length from Lebuh Farquhar in the north, to Jalan Gurdwara in the south – near the Kompleks Tun Abdul Razak (KOMTAR tower) – at the junction of Macalister Road. Brightly lit, Penang Road is divided into four main sections and it’s thoroughly tourist-friendly with walkways and plenty of plants.

Malaysia’s Dynamic, Smart and Gutsy Member of Parliament, Nurul Izzah Anwar

MP SPEAKS: Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor has said that the notion to add a federal territory in Malaysia is simply a suggestion that “requires proposal, referendum and approval at national level.” It goes without saying that Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and even Putrajaya should then have been accorded the same level of decency when they were put under the government’s rule.

In addition to a referendum for Penangites, would Tengku Adnan also consider holding one for KLites? For a variety of reasons, residents of KL have long called Kuala Lumpur City Hall’s (DBKL) ability to govern into question.

For one, DBKL’s mismanagement has led to rampant corruption. Just last year, the Malaysia Anti-Corruption Commission’s (MACC) investigated DBKL project management executive director who was eventually charged with 18 counts of corruption, including accepting bribes and assets estimated at RM4.4 million.

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Secondly, DBKL is incompetent in developing KL in a sustainable manner. Throughout the years, DBKL has permitted developers such as Amona Group and IJM Land to encroach upon Bukit Gasing, one of Kuala Lumpur’s last remaining green lungs.

On the contrary, residents who have surfaced their concerns – the risk of landslides, overcrowding, traffic congestion to DBKL are often dismissed for profit-making purposes, at the expense of KL’s environmental sustainability.

Thirdly, DBKL has failed to provide KL’s low-income residents a decent standard of living. Low sanitation and maintenance standards, in addition to illegal leasing are among the foremost problems of PPR housing in KL, while DBKL itself is also struggling with mounting levels of unpaid rent.

Tengku Adnan’s promise to provide affordable homes to Penangites by virtue of transferring Penang to the clutches of the federal government will prove to be nothing but an empty promise.

Before Tengku Adnan commences a referendum in Penang, consider also polling the residents of KL of the city’s performance under the federal territory jurisdiction.

Contrary to Tengku Adnan’s claim that a federal territory would prevent the oppression of citizens – Malay or not, for decades, residents of KL have only experienced poor city planning and development, coupled with the government’s negligence towards their welfare.

Ku Nan’s abysmal track record

Throughout his four years as the Federal Territories minister, Tengku Adnan has proposed and implemented many policies that have caused much public distress.

In 2013, Tengku Adnan proposed a hike in annual property assessment rates that ranged between 100 and 250 percent of the previous rates which elicited much public furor, before capping the rates between 10 and 25 percent their existing annual rates.

In 2014, he heartlessly banned soup kitchens within a 2km radius of KL city centre because “(soup kitchens) just encourages people to remain homeless and jobless”.

This year, his proposal to ban kapcais from KL also met with much dissatisfaction from KLites.

Keeping Ku Nan’s many hare-brained proposals in mind, we must take extra precaution when evaluating the merits of his suggestion that the state of Penang be left under his ministry’s jurisdiction.

Undemocratic model of governance

Over the years that the BN government reigned over KL in the guise of a federal territory, the rights of KLites have been plundered with impunity. Corruption depleted public coffers, while irresponsible planning lowered standards of living.

Through the 2013 general elections, nine out of 11 parliamentary constituencies in Kuala Lumpur were won by opposition lawmakers. Yet, the mayor of Kuala Lumpur is not only unelected, but also appointed by none other than our Federal Territories Minister and UMNO lawmaker, Tengku Adnan.

In addition, Kuala Lumpur does not even have its own state government. Despite having one of the largest budgets among all states and federal territories in Malaysia, the people of Kuala Lumpur have to surrender financial control to the whims and fancies of an Umno politician like Tengku Adnan.

Ironically, members of parliaments who were elected to represent the concerns of KLites have little say in decision-making, and are subjugated to the mayor, who in turn, reports to Tengku Adnan.

As such, the conversion of Penang from a state to a federal territory is just an excuse for the government to put opposition territory under BN’s malicious control. Now, Tengku Adnan is mustering the audacity to coerce the opposition into relinquishing its governance of Penang when 10 out of 13 parliamentary constituencies in the state have decidedly elected opposition lawmakers in the 2013 general elections.

Clearly, we must not allow BN’s undemocratic practices to oppress other regions in Malaysia.

Tengku Adnan’s proposal to categorise Penang as a federal territory, as opposed to retaining the northern region’s autonomy as a state is dubious at best – and authoritarian at worst. Politically motivated proposals as such flies in the face of public interest, and will only be implemented to fulfil the blind ambition of power-hungry BN politicians.


NURUL IZZAH ANWAR is Lembah Pantai MP and a graduate of John Hopkins University.

 

Obama’s Legacy–Optimism


January 15, 2017

The Optimism of Barack H. Obama

Americans will miss Mr. Obama’s negotiating skills on tough issues and the dignity and character that he and his family brought to the White House.–New York Times

Barack Obama is leaving the White House with polls showing him to be one of the most popular presidents in recent decades. This makes sense. His achievements, not least pulling the nation back from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, have been remarkable — all the more so because they were bitterly opposed from the outset by Republicans who made it their top priority to ensure that his presidency would fail.

Image result for Thank You, MR. President

Many Americans celebrated the election of the first African-American President as a welcome milestone in the history of a nation conceived in slavery and afflicted by institutional racism. Yet the bigotry that president-elect Donald Trump capitalized on during his run for office confirmed a point that Mr. Obama himself made from the start: that simply electing a black president would not magically dispel the prejudices that have dogged the country since its inception. Even now, these stubborn biases and beliefs, amplified by a divisive and hostile campaign that appealed not to people’s better instincts but their worst, have blinded many Americans to their own good fortune, fortune that flowed from policies set in motion by this President.

That story begins on Inauguration Day in 2009. That’s when Mr. Obama inherited a ravaged economy that was rapidly shedding jobs and forcing millions of people from their homes. The Obama stimulus, which staved off a 1930s-vintage economic collapse by pumping money into infrastructure, transportation and other areas, passed the House without a single Republican vote. Republican gospel holds that government spending does not create jobs or boost employment. The stimulus did both — preserving or creating an average of 1.6 millions jobs a year for four years. (A timely federal investment in General Motors and Chrysler, both pushed to the brink during the recession, achieved similarly salutary results, preserving more than a million jobs.)

Mr. Obama’s opponents have had trouble accepting that any of this actually happened. They have not learned the simple truth — a truth clear in the New Deal and just as clear now — that timely and significant federal investment can make a real difference in people’s lives. Or accepted that compassionate and well-designed government programs can do the same. Driven by ideology or envy, or maybe both, Republican leaders have now pounced upon the demonstrably successful Affordable Care Act of 2010, a law that has improved the way medical care is delivered in the United States, providing affordable care for millions and driving the percentage of Americans without insurance to a record low 9.1 percent in 2015. Despite the law’s clear successes, Mr. Trump and Republican congressional leaders have nevertheless declared it a failure, hoping to justify a repeal that would rob an estimated 22 million people of health insurance. The point of following this destructive course can only be to destroy a central Obama legacy — even though doing so will drive up costs and cause havoc in the lives of the newly uninsured.

Image result for barack and michelle obama children

With no help from Congress, Mr. Obama has also managed to make progress on issues where nobody gave him much of a chance, notably climate change, which both he and his secretary of state, John Kerry, placed very near the top of their to-do list. Against heavy odds, Mr. Obama first managed to persuade the Chinese to join the effort. This demolished the critics’ argument that he was asking America to do all the heavy lifting. It also made possible the Paris agreement in December 2015, in which 195 nations agreed on a plan that they hope will reduce greenhouse gases that are warming the atmosphere and threatening the viability of the planet itself.

Americans will miss Mr. Obama’s negotiating skills on tough issues and the dignity and character that he and his family brought to the White House. Beyond that, they will also miss an impassioned speaker whose eloquence ranks with that of Abraham Lincoln. The way he has defended the founding precepts of the United States while also arguing that those precepts have to be broadened to achieve a new inclusiveness has been especially striking, as have his remarks delivered at moments of national tragedy.

Image result for Thank You. Mr President

His 2015 eulogy in Charleston, S.C., after a Confederate flag-waving white supremacist slaughtered nine African-American parishioners at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, was redolent with history. As always, he viewed the horror through the prism of a seemingly innate optimism about the country’s ability to set aside hatred and move toward a more perfect union.

Mr. Obama never would have gained the office without that unflagging optimism, which inspired a generation of young voters who saw in him a new kind of leader. So it seemed fitting that he would end his farewell address in Chicago on Tuesday with them in mind:

“Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair and just and inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, that it’s not something to fear but something to embrace; you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands.”

Muhammad Ali’s Strange,Failed Diplomatic Career


June 6, 2016

Muhammad Ali’s Strange, Failed Diplomatic Career

The exact qualities that made the champ great also made him a terrible Cold War envoy for America.

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In the wake of his death on Friday, Muhammad Ali has been remembered as the greatest heavyweight champion of all time, a controversial black nationalist, an early opponent of the Vietnam War, a devout Muslim and a humanitarian who spent countless hours helping people around the world.

But as a political figure, he was even more than that. Ali was almost uniquely complex and unpredictable, and he played roles we would find astonishing now. One of his least remembered was one of the most unlikely: diplomat.

In 1980, President Jimmy Carter decided to use Ali’s considerable political capital to push America’s agenda on the world stage—specifically, to recruit countries to join the the United States’ boycott of the Summer Olympics in Moscow. The job must have seemed perfect for the man: a globally important sports figure, a rare American icon with political traction in the Third World, pushing one of the most important and electric collisions of athletics and politics.

It failed utterly. Ali, one of the most famous and beloved figures in the world, was almost ludicrously ineffective at the job he’d been handed. But the reasons he failed—and the details of just what happened—were perfectly Ali. His unpredictability and openness, fatal flaws in an envoy entrusted with the sharp end of a diplomatic mission, were exactly the qualities that made him so attractive to people and what made him the powerful cultural icon he was.

By the late 1970s,Muhammad Ali was back as a public figure. He appeared to have regained everything he lost during the previous decade, when his refusal to be drafted into the Vietnam War almost ended his career. He retired after taking back the title in 1978 from upstart Leon Spinks, who had upset him earlier in the year.

Politically, Ali had seemingly relinquished his role as a firebrand oppositional figure in America; Republican President Gerald Ford had invited Ali to the White House a few years earlier to honor the champ after he regained the title from George Foreman in Zaire.So it was not a complete surprise when Carter, a culturally conservative Democrat, turned to Ali to take on a larger political role pushing the U.S. Olympic boycott. Carter had long valued Ali as a potential asset on the world stage. Ali agreed.

With characteristic bravado, he felt that his potency as a celebrity would translate into successful diplomacy—that he could be, as he would refer to himself, “the black Henry Kissinger.” At a time when it seemed as though the U.S. was losing the Cold War and public confidence in the government was low, perhaps Carter could even ride the coattails of Ali’s popularity to increase his own support.

And they weren’t talking about mere lightweight goodwill missions: Carter and his advisers had considered Ali as an envoy to Iran during the hostage crisis, the rare prominent American Muslim who might be respected enough to deal with the radicals. That one didn’t happen; they eventually determined that the Ayatollah Khomeini wouldn’t be willing to negotiate with any American, no matter how famous.

But the President saw another opportunity to deploy Ali. The U.S. boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics had become a global flash point: In response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Carter had pulled the American team from the Moscow games, and over 60 countries, many of them U.S. allies, had agreed to skip them as well.

At a moment when the U.S. and the USSR were vying for influence across the globe, the more countries the U.S. could recruit, the more powerful a statement it would be. Ali was drafted for the job. He would be flown on a State Department plane to Tanzania and then travel to Kenya, Nigeria, Liberia and Senegal. His job was to echo Carter’s line that participation in the games was tantamount to an approval of the Soviet Union’s abhorrent occupation of Afghanistan.

Ali had made his share of gaffes where Africa was concerned: He had joked about cannibalism in promoting a fight, and his uncritical dealings with dictators like President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire had raised eyebrows in the West. But millions of Africans admired Ali, a feeling that went back to his first trip to the continent in 1964, after he had beaten Sonny Liston for the title. Both Ali and Carter were confident that Ali was a revered figure in Africa whose word would resonate with the people of Africa.

Nearly from the moment Ali arrived in Tanzania, however, it became clear that the trip was not going to be a success.

By 1980, the champ was in bad shape, already suffering from untreated Parkinson’s, in a dysfunctional marriage, barely able to box, his weight up to 255 pounds and cash-strapped. Though a global celebrity, Ali was near a personal breaking point when Carter had summoned him. And he was no doubt the wrong man to send to carry America’s political water if the message was opposed by significant portions of the black or Islamic world.

From the start of the visit, Ali encountered opposition. The Soviet Union had backed a number of popular revolutions on the continent, and while none of the countries on the itinerary were Soviet allies, there was significant skepticism of U.S. motives and commitment to African interests. Four years earlier, the U.S. had refused to support a boycott of the Summer Olympics in Montreal by 29 African nations that had objected to New Zealand’s inclusion despite that country’s refusal to avoid international competition with apartheid South Africa. If the U.S. wouldn’t back an African Olympic boycott, then why should African countries back an American Olympic boycott? When Ali was asked this question, he had no answer.

In one nation after another, Ali was presented with persuasive arguments for ignoring the U.S. boycott—and found himself sympathetic to them. In Tanzania, in response to reporters’ inquiries, he admitted, “Maybe I’m being used to do something that ain’t right. You’re making me look at things different. If I find out I’m wrong, I’m going back to America and cancel the whole trip.” In Kenya, he said Carter sent him “around the world to take the whupping over American policies.” In Nigeria, he was told that the country would participate in the Moscow games.

A State Department official actually tried to shut down one news conference, which turned out to be the rare such event at which the person being covered learned far more about the issue at hand than those gathered to hear from him. Ali said: “I’m not a traitor to black people. If you can show me something I don’t know, I want to be helped. You all have given me some questions which are good and are making me look at this thing different.”

Ali flew home and went to the White House, where he told Carter what the President undoubtedly knew: that things had not gone well. Time magazine would call the endeavor “the most bizarre diplomatic mission in U.S. history.” It was that kind of year for Ali; the beating he took in Africa would mirror the one he took in the ring against Larry Holmes months later, a catastrophic loss that accelerated his declining health. It is impossible to know whether Ali’s visit to Africa had any effect at all, although it is worth noting that Kenya and Liberia did wind up supporting the U.S. boycott.

Part of the reason for Ali’s immense public stature is his openness to interpretation. His statements and achievements can be taken in myriad ways to support opposing worldviews. That sense of malleability extended to the man himself: If Ali could be contradictory, it was in part because he remained open to opposing ideas, and that made him precisely the wrong choice to deliver a clear American message on the Olympic boycott. Even as someone who had renounced the most strident of his black nationalist views, Ali still had a strong anti-colonial leaning toward black self-determination. Carter’s position that African nations should follow the U.S. lead was one that Ali simply could not bring himself to deliver from the heart.

Carter was not alone. He made the same mistake that so many of Ali’s biographers and admirers have made over the years. Ali has gone from a slippery fighter early in his career to an elusive subject late in life; for decades it has been hard to lay a glove on him. Despite the plethora of attempts, nobody has nailed down a single definitive perspective on Ali, probably because there isn’t one. Carter failed to realize that what made Ali attractive as a political symbol, and still does—his willingness to bend and be bent—would undermine him as a political operative. The blunder would cost Carter valuable Cold War leverage at a key moment in his presidency.

Surprisingly, however, the failed Olympic campaign wasn’t the last diplomatic mission Ali undertook. In August 1990, shortly after invading Kuwait, Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein took thousands of foreigners hostage, including 15 American civilians, some of whom had worked at the General Motors plant in Baghdad. Hussein used the hostages as human shields, housing them in locations where he thought Americans might drop bombs.

In November, President George H.W. Bush sent Ali to Iraq to secure the Americans’ release and bring them home.The New York Times blasted the idea, calling it “surely the strangest hostage-release campaign of recent days” and reminding readers that Ali suffered from a “frequent inability to speak clearly.” It was true: By then, Ali had been diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease, needed medication to control his symptoms and tired easily. Joe Wilson, then the leading U.S. diplomat in Iraq, said, “People traveling to Iraq are making a serious mistake.” Officials feared that the negotiators themselves would be kidnapped.

After a week in Baghdad, though, Ali inexplicably emerged with the 15 Americans, after all other attempts failed. Hussein reportedly told people that he would not let Ali leave empty-handed. Just weeks later, U.S. bombing of Iraq began. It turned out, in the end, that Jimmy Carter wasn’t necessarily wrong in his assessment of Ali’s value on the world stage. He just might have picked the wrong mission. The line between overestimating and underestimating Muhammad Ali has always been a thin one.

*Michael Ezra is a professor of American multicultural studies at Sonoma State University and author of Muhammad Ali: The Making of an Icon (Temple University Press, 2009).

Mahathir’s Obsession with Malayness (Ketuanan Melayu) destroyed Vision 2020


February 21, 2016

Mahathir’s Obsession with Malayness (Ketuanan Melayu) destroyed Vision 2020–Mamakism and Mediocrity have taken over

by Boo Su-Lyn

 

Tun Musa Hitam says Malaysia’s goal to be a developed nation in four years’ time by 2020, is now ‘falling apart bit by bit but with alarming speed’. ― Picture by Saw Siow Feng

Tun Musa Hitam says Malaysia’s goal to be a developed nation in four years’ time by 2020, is now ‘falling apart bit by bit but with alarming speed’. ― Picture by Saw Siow Feng

Former Deputy Prime Minister Tun Musa Hitam predicted the failure of Vision 2020 and blamed this on the man who envisioned the goal, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Musa, who was once deputy to Dr Mahathir, accused the country’s longest-serving prime minister of undermining the ideal by removing potential leaders and of retaining and training followers instead.

“It is ironical that Dr Mahathir’s vision is now certain to fail because of Dr Mahathir himself,” Musa said in a speech at the commemoration of the 113th birthday of Malaysia’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, organised by the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) here last night.

“Brilliant as he was, he forgot that in order to succeed, he needed to train leaders at all levels, but most important, political leaders. But his personal leadership record shows that he did away with all potential leaders, one by one and in groups, and retained and trained followers.And it is mostly these trained followers that had taken over the leadership of the country now. These trained followers are dedicated and loyal to whoever sits at the very top,” he added.

Musa lamented the state of affairs in Malaysia, saying that Vision 2020, Malaysia’s goal to be a developed nation in four years’ time by 2020, was now “falling apart bit by bit but with alarming speed”.

He said the current administration did not seem concerned about the state of affairs in the country.

“The only strong signals emanating from the leadership that show any sign of worry are the threats coming from them of ‘tightening’ selected security legislation, as well as legislation that seem to be aimed at free speech and the press, with some allegedly even constitutionally questionable,” said Musa.

The former Deputy Prime Minister did not give specific examples. However, human rights activists have recently expressed concern over the National Security Council Bill, the Sedition Act 1948 and proposed amendments to the Official Secrets Act 1972.

“In an open democratic, liberal, moderate country, the government could only be sustainable provided it is led by genuine democrats,” said Musa, who resigned as Deputy Prime Minister in 1986 due to “irreconcilable differences” with Dr. Mahathir.

“Once the leadership tries to restrict and control thoughts, behaviours and expressions, the autocrat thrives. And, when a leader imposes himself and demands unquestioning loyalty accompanied by loss of respect of good governance, human rights and the rule of law, as well as not being considerate of the people’s welfare, the ugly head of dictatorship appears,” Musa added.

Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad forgot that his Ultra-Malay Nationalism made the Malays Lazy so that they will remain dependent on UMNO and its corrupt leaders. According to Economists Dr. Jomo Kwame Sundaram and Dr. Terence Gomez, Mahathir invented Malay crony capitalism. His policies were a huge success in  creating a rent seeking Malay polity. Both Prime Ministers, Badawi and Najib, were the product of his policies. Now he has the audacity to complain. Too late and that is our national tragedy. We have not heard any Malaysian complain about Tunku Abdul Rahman’s leadership and character. This is because the Tunku was a Prime Minister with compassion and integrity who had no problem with his identity. –Din Merican

Vision 2020 was announced by Dr Mahathir when tabling the Sixth Malaysia Plan in 1991 and its objective of transforming Malaysia into a developed nation remains part of the current administration’s goals.

Dr Mahathir said last June that he did not expect Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Najib Razak’s administration to achieve Vision 2020, claiming that the government was focusing too much on using per capita income to measure development.

Defying the Islamic State–Congratulations to Malaysia’s Zunar


November 24, 2015

Defying the Islamic State--Congratulations to Malaysia’s Zunar and other Journalists in the front lines

November 23 at 2:59 PM

RECENTLY THE Islamic State in Raqqa sent an ominous message to an exiled Syrian journalist. Tell us who is filing covertly from the occupied city, the terrorists warned, or we will execute your father. The editor refused to name names. His father was shot to death.

We heard this story last week from AbdAlaziz Alhamza, who works for the same journalism collective as the grieving editor: Raqqa is Being Slaughtered Silently. With a dozen reporters still filing from Raqqa, risking their lives every day, Raqqa is Being Slaughtered Silently is one of the few sources of independent news from inside its terrorized land of lashings, slavery, beheadings and crucifixions.

The collective is one of four 2015 International Press Freedom awardees who will be honored by the Committee to Protect Journalists in New York City Tuesday. They reflect both the lengths dictators will go to silence free speech — and the creativity and almost unimaginable courage that journalists summon in response.

MALAYSIA-POLITICS-MEDIA-RIGHTS

In addition to the online collective of mostly anonymous Syrian reporters, the honorees include a Malaysian cartoonist, Zulkiflee Anwar Ulhaque, known by his pen name, Zunar, whose work appears only online because the government allows no newspaper to carry his work; the Zone 9 bloggers, an Ethio­pian collective that came together as their government decimated the independent press; and Cándido Figueredo Ruíz , a Paraguayan journalist who shines a light on drug cartels and the corruption they engender. A reporter for ABC Color, one of his country’s largest newspapers, Mr. Figueredo holds perhaps the most traditional job among the winners. But there is nothing conventional about his bravery: He has been shot at numerous times, and now lives under constant police guard, as does his wife.

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Zunar with Nathaniel Tan and Steven Gan (Malaysiakini)

Mr. Zunar, 53, will return to Malaysia to face a December court date on charges of sedition that could lead to a prison sentence of 43 years. The Ethio­pian bloggers too have been imprisoned and still have judicial proceedings hanging over them. Why go back, we asked Mr. Zunar?

“We do it for reform,” he told us during a visit to The Post. “We have been governed by the same ruling party for 60 years. Corruption is huge. There are so many injustices. . . . I know it is an uphill battle. I’m not sure when it will end, or will I see the change in my lifetime. It’s like an endless marathon, but as long as I’m on the track I’m the winner.”

Anwar Ibrahim

Mr. Zunar shared with us the cartoon he planned to post later that day: a drawing of President Obama, who traveled to Malaysia on Friday, stretching his arm around a prison full of political dissidents to shake hands with the Malaysian leader he has praised and golfed with, Najib Razak. For those of us who can take our freedoms for granted, the cartoon held a useful message: We should never forget the political prisoners, like Malaysia’s opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, nor the journalists like Mr. Zunar and his co-winners who bravely take up the cause of freedom. “One of the great supports is to know I’m not alone,” Mr. Figueredo said.