Crackdown Against Pakatan and NGO Leaders

May 23, 2013

by Koh Jun Lin@http://www.malaysiakini.com

PKR Vice-President and Member of Parliament for Batu Tian Chua as well as Anything But Umno (ABU) Chief Haris Ibrahim, were arrested seperately this afternoon, in relation to a recent anti-electoral fraud ceramah in Kuala Lumpur.

They were later joined by former Batu Berendam MP and PAS member Tamrin Ghafar (right), who also spoke at the forum, after he, too, was arrested by the police in Bangsar this afternoon. All three were taken to the Jinjang Police station.

At a press conference later, Kuala Lumpur CPO Mohmad Salleh confirmed the trio’s arrest under Section 4(1) of the Sedition Act. This is in relation to speeches that they have made during the talk at the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH) on May 13.

Tian Chua, via Twitter, said he was taken  at the low-cost carrier terminal (LCCT) in Kuala Lumpur, just as he was about to pass a security check point.
He was catching a flight to Kuala Terengganu for the ‘Blackout 505 rally’ scheduled to be held there tonight. The Batu MP claimed that he was informed he was being detained under Section 4(1) of the Sedition Act 1948.

Meanwhile, according to PSM secretary-general S Arulchelvan (right, in photo), Haris (centre) was picked up by five Policemen as he was lunching with friends in Segambut, including Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia’s (SABM) Jayanath Appudurai.

Jayanath informed Malaysiakini that the group was approached about noon by five police personnel.

“I overheard them saying something about the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH) and Section 4(1) of the Sedition Act.I believe the arrest was on the same grounds as that of Adam Adli Abdul Halim,” Jayanath said.

Haris was one of the speakers at the post-electoral forum, organised by Suara Anak Muda Malaysia (SAMM) that was held at KLSCAH on May 13.

It was during this forum that 23-year-old student activist Adam (left in photo) made an allegedly seditious speech for which he arrested last Saturday and charged in court this morning.

In fact, Haris, who is also a lawyer, was present in court earlier today to show support for Adam.

Lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, who is at the Police station, confirmed the arrest of Tamrin, who is the son of former Deputy Prime Minister the late Tun Ghafar Baba. “He is in front of me now,” said Malik Imtiaz.

Meanwhile, Solidariti Anak Muda Malaysia (SAMM) chief Badrul Hisham Shaharin, better known as Chegubard, tweeted that a team of Police officers had been to his mother’s home in Seremban, looking for him.

The prominent blogger – who is also a PKR grassroots leader – had been a speaker at the forum, as well as being its organiser.

When asked if all of the speakers at the forum would be arrested, Kuala Lumpur’s top cop remained coy in his response. “We will look at how the investigations go and see,” Mohmad said

Islamic Diplomacy and the Search for Human Security

May 20, 2013

The Keynote Address at the Peace and Security Forum 2013 at the Institute of Diplomacy and Foreign Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kuala Lumpur on May 16,2013.

by  HRH Dr. Raja Nazrin Shah

I WARMLY commend the organisers of this conference for shining a spotlight upon one of the most pressing challenges confronting the Muslim world.

The violent conflicts that afflict some Muslim countries are discussed in many conferences. They feature in the global media every day. In fact, they feature in the global media virtually every hour of every day, and in my view rightly so, for almost every day Muslim lives are lost, Muslims’ limbs are maimed and Muslim land and property destroyed.

But few international forums — and far less the global media — look at the problems the Muslim world is encountering in a way that is more profound and comprehensive, as that of a paucity of human security.

Fewer still approach the subject of human security in the Muslim world from the standpoint of the role that Islam and diplomacy can play in promoting it. The theme of this conference is, therefore, both novel and welcome.

Before I proceed, I should like to take a moment to place the problem of human security, as I see it, in perspective. It is interesting to note that the concept of human security first came into international vogue as a result of the work of a Muslim economist, Dr Mahbub ul Haq. He conceived both the concepts of human development as well as human security that have been so central to the UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) approach to developmental issues since the 1990s.

Unlike the Human Development Index of the UNDP — which has now been widely accepted and adopted — an index of human security is still very early work-in-progress. Even an understanding of what human security means and what it encompasses is the subject of debate and discussion.

Until the dust settles on this subject, I should like to be guided essentially by the initial concept as outlined by the UNDP in 1994 and developed further in Version 2 of the Human Security Index.

I must stress, however, that the Human Security Index probably cannot yet be regarded as a sufficiently robust measure of the real state of human security among different countries. But it does give some general picture of the situation. Its importance at this stage lies more in its ability to depict the relative gravity of conditions in different countries based on the criteria employed.

In my view, briefly expressed, human security centres on the security of the human person and the community. This is unlike the conventional notions of national security which pivot around the security of the state.

Human security includes traditional national security concerns such as security from external aggression, security from external intervention, security from foreign occupation as well as security from internal strife; but it also embraces much more.

It includes the security of livelihood provided by steady jobs and meaningful employment; the security from disease that is provided by good and widely accessible health facilities; food security; protection from crime and domestic violence; freedom from political repression; the right to practice one’s religion freely; and the right to clean air, safe water and a sustainable and healthy environment.

Human development as postulated by the UNDP is thus closely correlated with human security. The former seeks to develop the human person; the latter to protect him or her from threats to that development.

Human security facilitates human development, while human development releases more resources to improve human security.

Human security tends to be better assured in peaceful countries that rank high in human development, but it can also lag behind.The United States, for instance, ranks No. 3 in the latest Human Development Index; yet its composite Human Security Index ranking is 147 out of 232 countries and dependencies.

The ranking reflects very poor scores in several areas, including very high incarceration rates and wide disparities in income and wealth.

Thus understood, human security, or human insecurity, knows no nationality. It knows no religion. And it knows no race or ethnicity.

Although the peoples of the developed nations of Europe and North America are less vulnerable, human insecurity also tends to recognise no geography.

Unemployment in the European Union, for instance, is expected to reach an average of 12.2 per cent this year. That is four times the unemployment rate of Malaysia. In Spain and Greece, every fourth person in the workforce is unlikely to have a job.

Human security, whether in the Muslim world or elsewhere, is something that is complex in the sense that it cannot be advanced by just the one tool of diplomacy.

Diplomacy, indeed, is perhaps not even the most important instrument. Much of the hard work must be done at home in each country, through sound and equitable political, economic and social policies.

The primary actor and driver may indeed be the state, but there are a host of other important domestic and external players that make an impact upon human security in every individual locale.

The mix of political, economic, social and security factors that affect human security differ markedly among countries and communities, Muslim as well as non-Muslim.

I will elaborate on some of these general points presently, but let me turn now to the quest for human security in the Muslim world.

As we know, Muslim communities are found virtually everywhere on the globe and amidst differing conditions of human security.

Like many non-Muslim majority countries, Muslim countries and Muslim-majority countries often fare worse in the Human Security Index than they do in the Human Development Index.

This reflects their relatively poorer performance in areas such as political freedoms, income distribution, access to information and personal security compared to indicators such as per capita GDP (Gross Domestic Product).

Whereas at least ten Muslim-majority countries make it to the top 70 in the Human Development Index ranking, none are in the top 70 in the Human Security Index ranking. Seven countries managed to be ranked between 80 and 100. As in the case of the Human Development Index, many Muslim countries are ranked in the bottom third of the Human Security Index table.

The picture that emerges shows that the comprehensive well-being of the people in a number of Muslim-majority countries leaves much to be desired.

Many millions of Muslims do enjoy high levels of material security as minorities in affluent Western countries and as majorities in high income and peaceful Muslim countries like Malaysia, Brunei, Turkey, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.

But when factors like extensive poverty, unemployment, income inequality, poor education opportunities, inequitable access to healthcare, violent conflict, political repression, abuse of rights, lack of information empowerment, and the position of women are factored in, about a billion Muslims in a majority of the Muslim countries, or two-thirds of the total global Muslim population, are at risk.

The tragic human security conditions in conflict-ridden and occupied Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, and war-torn Syria, Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan — the last four are occupied, but, only by themselves — are only too painfully evident to us all.

But there are also hundreds of millions of Muslims who live in vulnerable communities or areas in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Indonesia, Yemen, Nigeria, Niger, Ethiopia, Sierra Leone, Benin, Chad and Senegal.

Put bluntly, the Muslim world is home to a disproportionate share of all the seven areas of human insecurity identified by the UNDP.

Vulnerabilities to aggression, foreign intervention and occupation, sectarian, tribal and ethnic strife, joblessness, poverty and severe income disparities, disease, crime, undemocratic regimes, political repression and violation of rights, discrimination against and abuse of women, and even natural and environmental disasters are all too common and even pervasive in large parts of the Muslim world.

In the Arab world, including the imploding crucible that is Syria today, as well as in Afghanistan, the destruction that Muslims have managed to inflict upon themselves has been colossal. This has been aggravated by some countries that have colluded with foreign powers and involved themselves in the affairs of fellow Arab and Muslim nations.

The Sunni-Shia fault line that runs through the Arab crescent and the Persian Gulf has been a major destabilising factor. It pits Muslim against Muslim not only within countries but between countries as well.

Together with historical tribal enmities, it underlies much of the unrest in the Arab world today. The confrontation between Arabs and Persians, for example, is an age-old enmity that has further embroiled West Asian nations in intra-Muslim struggle and conflict.

The Sunni-Shia sectarianism, tribal animosities and Arab-Persian power plays have undermined not just the national resilience of Muslim countries in West Asia and North Africa. They have also rendered the countries even more vulnerable to the machinations, military intervention and occupation by foreign powers and weakened their capacity to present a collective response to Israel.

Next to war and violence, nothing degrades human security and human dignity more than extreme poverty and widespread unemployment, for their effects are often hunger, malnutrition, starvation, illiteracy, disease and crime.

Such conditions also contribute to a highly combustible political environment.In this regard, poverty and unemployment levels are unacceptably high in much of the Muslim world. No less than 40 to 65 per cent of the population live below the national poverty line in nearly a third of all Muslim countries or those with a sizeable Muslim component, for which there is reliable information.

Democratic governance, protection of human rights and support for gender equality are also key attributes of human security and human development that are in short supply in many of those countries.

Taken together then, the human security landscape of the Muslim world is a grim and dismal one. However, this situation has nothing to do with Islam. It is, in fact, the very antithesis of all that Islam stands for.

Instead, the problems have more to do with factors such as sectarian, tribal and class rivalries; the consequences of colonisation including borders drawn without regard to the glue that natural demographic patterns would have yielded; the strategic location and resources of the Gulf region that make them perennial targets of predatory powers; the insecurity of small states that seek alliance with foreign powers; the dislocation that the imposition of the state of Israel created and the half century of violence that has followed in the absence of a political solution; the grip of unhealthy tribal traditions and customs that distort religious interpretation and inhibit human development; and the absolute lack of resources in some sub-Saharan countries.

As I observed earlier, the improvement of human security, as also in the case of human development, is a task mainly to be done at home. Indeed, diplomacy is one of the means which can be used for that purpose. It normally comes into prominence, however, only when a country is at war or is under military threat, or when there is foreign intervention in internal conflicts.

For those Muslim countries and their peoples that are in this unfortunate situation, like Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Sudan (and thus South Sudan), diplomacy becomes a crucial instrument.

But good diplomacy — I am using “diplomacy” here interchangeably with foreign policy — can also be important for alleviating other aspects of the human security conditions that prevail in many Muslim communities.

Diplomacy has become indispensable in this globalised age when the politics, economics and security of nations and communities are becoming increasingly enmeshed.

Although domestic policies are primary, human security and human development are impossible to pursue without engagement with the outside world and without interaction with other important actors.

This is especially the case for the less developed nations with scarce or limited resources that make up a large proportion of the Muslim world.

If diplomacy — that is diplomacy as in foreign policy — is important in the pursuit of human security, what has Islam to offer to the endeavour? How can Islam affect diplomacy so as to provide better human security in the Muslim world and beyond?

When I surveyed the literature on Islam and diplomacy, the work that stood out was the Rusul al-Muluk, or Messengers of Kings. Written in the tenth century, or about 300 years after the demise of the beloved Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), it describes the diplomacy that was practised by the Arabs and Muslims from pre-Islamic days to its own time.

It also presents and makes use of examples of Arab diplomatic practice drawn from the Quran and other sources used by Muslim scholars.

The work examines extensively the use of emissaries, diplomatic exchanges, the types of treaties and agreements that the Prophet and other Muslim leaders entered into with Muslim and non-Muslim tribes and empires, the principles of diplomatic negotiations, the codes that guided war and peaceful settlement, the granting of asylum, and the treatment of prisoners, refugees and minorities.–Part I (May 18, 2013)

MUCH of the diplomacy that is described in the book Rusul al-Muluk, or Messengers of Kings, existed before Islam, and it also continued to be practised by non-Muslim nations after the revelation of Islam.

From translations of ancient writings such as Letters from Early Mesopotamia and the Amarna Letters, we learn that there was a thriving culture of diplomacy that had been practised as far back as the 3rd millennium BC, in the very region we now call West Asia and North Africa.

The diplomacy depicted in that literature, practised by the ancient kingdoms and empires of Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Assyria and Egypt, among others, included diplomatic codes of conduct, exchange of emissaries, arbitration and mediation, negotiation of treaties and treatment of political fugitives.

Diplomacy in somewhat less ancient times developed in similar modes in the great civilisations of China and India. For example, the “realist theory” of International Relations can be traced back to Sun Tzu in 6th century BC China and Kautilya in 3rd century BC India. The Persian, and the Roman and then the Byzantine Empires, of course, were famous for their diplomatic endeavours.

The revelation of Islam, however, brought a sea-change in the conduct of foreign policy and the practice of diplomacy as Muslim political sway expanded in West Asia and beyond.

Islam’s conception of humanity, the Ummah, its world view and its ethos and values were infused into foreign policy and diplomatic practice. The personal character of the Prophet (PBUH), guided by the principles and teachings of Islam, also left its imprint.

The Rusul al-Muluk, the Islamic work which I referred to earlier, is not an ordinary manual on diplomacy; rather, it is a work that boldly argues for a very modern theory of International Relations, by rejecting warlike policies in favour of low-key but firm diplomacy with the pragmatic outlook of constructive realpolitik — all done with the aim and intention of securing the common goal of human security among all mankind.

The ultimate purpose of Islam is the well-being and salvation of all humankind, irrespective of national, ethnic or even religious identity. Islam’s horizon is the Universe: it does not stop with the Muslim Ummah.

This is the bedrock upon which universal human well-being (including what is now called “human security”) is to be built, both domestically and abroad, across nations.

Development, peace, security, justice and human dignity are for all peoples regardless of race or gender or even faith. Human beings are created by God to fulfil the dual role of the person as a servant of God (al-’Abd) and as His representative (al-Khalifah) on Earth.

The goals of Islam that have a bearing upon the prevailing ideas of human security – as well as human development – are founded on two concepts. One is that of human well-being: Sa’adah, which can also mean success, happiness, prosperity or felicity.

The second is the Muslim concept of the good life in this world and in the next world: Hayatun Tayyibah. The balanced fulfilment of both the material and spiritual needs of all human beings will lead to human well-being and the good life that fulfils human security needs.

A fundamental core of human security is the freedom from want, and this is best assured by education and knowledge, which can help secure jobs and a better livelihood. In Islam the pursuit of knowledge, both spiritual and material, is nothing short of a religious obligation. Acquisition of knowledge is considered a form of worship and will bring a Muslim closer to God.

Islam also enjoins ethical action (‘Amal Salih), morality (Akhlak), justice and fairness (‘Adl), moderation (‘Iffah), integrity (Amanah), and provision for the poor and the disadvantaged.

The payment of zakat, or charity, by the rich for the poor is obligatory. Islam’s principle of Tawhid further demands that there be no exploitation among human beings. All these teachings point to a basic concern with what we call “human security”.

In the field of foreign policy, diplomacy and war, the Islamic tradition privileges negotiations and peaceful resolution of disputes over war. It further specifically forbids the taking of innocent life and damage to property.

It also enjoins humane treatment of prisoners and due protection for refugees. Our tradition counsels just peace, when the circumstances allow.

The Islamic faith, thereby, provides a unique religious, normative and legal reference for the formulation and implementation of foreign as well as domestic policies to protect and promote human security.

So what roles can Islam play in the contemporary diplomacy of Muslim countries in their pursuit of human security? I can think of at least three.

FIRST the great achievement of the Prophet (PBUH) in bringing peace and reconciliation to the warring tribes and communities of Arabia can be invoked to inspire and reinforce efforts to reduce enmity among Muslim countries and communities and make their relations harmonious.

There is no more necessary and important effort than the active pursuit of reconciliation for healing the wounds caused by conflicts, bloodshed and violence.

This is especially pressing for the conflicts in West Asia and North Africa, where Sunni-Shia sectarianism and tribal conflicts are tearing nations apart and bringing them into conflict with one another.

What is happening in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan with the involvement of other Muslim countries as well as outside powers is producing the very antithesis of the peaceful aims and teachings of Islam. It strikes at the very core of the human security concerns of the affected multitudes, which include millions of displaced persons and refugees.

SECOND Islam is all about human dignity, human development and human security. Yet in so many countries of the Muslim world, it is these very things that are in shortest supply.

The values and teachings of Islam can be more effectively mobilised to spur greater efforts by Muslim countries, acting individually as well as collectively, through such institutions as the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the Islamic Development Bank (IDB), to bring more and better development.

These efforts could embrace marginalised minority communities, such as the Rohingyas in Myanmar and the Muslims in southern Thailand and southern Philippines.

Among the programmes that should be highest in priority are those aimed at improving education and health facilities, reducing income inequities, bringing greater protection and emancipation for women, strengthening representative government, and enhancing standards of governance.

These, in fact, are some of the causes that are already being championed by organisations such as the Islamic Development Bank, but progress will continue to be slow unless there is greater commitment from many member countries.

THIRD the non-governmental infrastructure for human development and human security greatly needs to be developed in many Muslim countries. Organisations in civil society and the private sector have a vital role to play and an important contribution to make.

 In areas such as education, healthcare, welfare activities, protection of women and children, crime prevention and environmental conservation the participation of voluntary organisations is necessary and invaluable, especially when they are supported by the business sector and the state.

Muslim nations, again, individually as well as collectively, can do much to foster and strengthen the infrastructure within their own countries and sometimes even in others.

If we take our humanity seriously, and are motivated by the guidance conveyed in our sacred traditions, then we should expand our conception of security to embrace its human dimensions.

A foremost requirement for promoting human security is the recognition of diversity and differences in our global context, as well as within the boundaries of individual nations.

To this end we should cultivate awareness and understanding of the worldview of others, and learn to respect their various traditions.

This is why inter-cultural competence and training for understanding other religions and worldviews is important – both for non-Muslims to appreciate Islam, and for Muslims to appreciate cultures and peoples belonging to other traditions.

Indeed the search for human security is the gateway to the future of a reformed global order.The combined experiences of human societies in the modern era in the economic, political, social and cultural domains of life are pushing towards recovering the basis of security reflected in basic human needs and hopes.

Peace will only be achieved between nations, and among the diverse peoples within nations, when security is understood in these terms. (Part II-May 20, 2013)

http://www.nst.com.my

Stop Racism and Ustazism

May 20, 2013

COMMENT: I have always enjoyed reading the writings of Prof. Dr. Tajuddin. He is a clear thinker with the guts to call a spade a spade. Guts and grit are qualities that are lacking in our communities. Yes, indeed. Our country is in trouble and that means we are in deep trouble. Why? Because we leave everything in the hands of politicians who have consistently betrayed our trust.

Knowing that, we remain on the sidelines assuming that the future of our country is still  in good hands. Malaysia is not in good hands. Maybe I am being a pessimist to say that we have reached a breaking point.

We have an arrogant regime back in power which is behaving like a wounded tiger ever ready to pounce on dissidents and civil society activists at the slightest provocation, and an alternative force that continues to use street protests for their own ends. I have seen both sides and I  am disappointed.

Prof Dr. Tajuddin’s message, which I endorse, is intended for those smooth talking politicians on both sides of the political divide, in UMNO-BN and Pakatan Rakyat. Stop pontificating and jostling for power and get down to the serious business of governing this country. Malaysia can no longer on auto-pilot. It needs leadership with guts and integrity to do the right thing.

Fortunately, we have civil society activists like Ambiga, Haris, Hishamuddin Rais, Poet Laureate Dato Samad Said, Dr Wong Chin Huat, Marina Chin et.al and new generation of young men like Adam Adli and the netizens who are speaking up. So far their message has not reached our rural heartland which remains the backbone of the present regime. If we can awaken the sleeping giant that is our rural heartland, we will be able to move forward for better Malaysia. Let us  now debate the good Professor’s blueprint.–Din Merican

http://www.malaysiakini.com

Malaysia is in trouble and We are: Stop Racism and Ustazism

COMMENT by Prof Dr Mohamad Tajuddin Mohamad Rasdi (May 19, 2013): Although many things remain uncertain after the GE13 result, one thing is unarguably clear… Malaysia is in trouble.

Who is in trouble? Not Pakatan, not BN to my mind… we are. We… the rakyat. Our children are in trouble and yes, theirs too, in the distant future if we do not stop this juggernaut called…racism.

I would like to outline my basic blueprint for rebuilding this country with the special focus of eliminating racism as its main objective. My programme may be ‘shocking’ or ‘unusual’ but it has the virtue of never been thought off or tried.

In architectural design training, the best design ideas are usually the ‘shockers’!I have been trained to understand the box but never to stay long in it and to always leave it on the front porch…well, most of the time.

My programme or blueprint can be easily implemented by BN…if it wants to, if it has the heart, the will and intelligence to.But if it is still sore what with statements like; ‘leave the country’ or ‘sodomising minds’ and ‘Chinese Tsunami’, then I would assume that it is disinterested to resolve the problem of racism in this country. Point blank.

Now if the minority BN government does not want to implement the programme, will the majority Pakatan form its own shadow cabinet and pool their financial resources to implement this programme?

In the first place, I have to ask Pakatan leaders a point blank question: Are you guys actually interested in resolving our dreaded racism issue?

I have followed very closely political events in this country from 1997, and after all that Anwar and Pakatan have gone through…I still have a small lingering doubt.

In my academic reading, Pakatan is simply a strong coalition built to fight one single enemy. Which enemy? Racism? Religious intolerance? Poverty? Nope…just BN.

I am generalising of course but I am using my poetic license to make this simple point that racism will still not go away if Pakatan now sits in Putrajaya. Why do I say so? Because I have not witnessed a single paper by Pakatan to seriously look at the problem of racism.

Now if Pakatan, too, seems disinterested to rebuild Malaysia, then it is up to the third political force, the rakyat via the machinery of NGOs like BERSIH and the Islamic Rennaissance Front to take matters into our own hands.

My philosophy is simple…if you believe in something; you just have to do it yourself.Then come the next election we, the rakyat, will throw both parties out and rule in a different way.

How? Think out of the box-lah.

Nice words

Now, before outlining my programme, allow me to say a few nice words about BN. Not the present BN but the old founding fathers of BN.Yes…the one before former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad and the sacking of Salleh Abbas (right).

To be fair UMNO, MCA and MIC have done a great service to this country by successfully working with one another amicably and providing peace and prosperity for three decades.

When I stand amidst 2,000 academics at UTM hall with easily 90% Malay Muslim scholars, I would say BN deserves an A-. Why A minus? Must subtract a very strong minus for 1969 May 13. Now let’s be clear the A- is for the BN before Mahathir.

The post Mahathir BN deserves a failing grade and the grade for a post GE13 BN is a letter and level of failure that I can’t find low enough. Why have I given a failed grade to Mahathir’s BN when we have shiny tall buildings, and a New Putrajaya kingdom with a massive crystal mosque?

Because this was when basic human decency and dignity was violated.Operasi Lalang, the Memali bloodshed, the Tun Salleh Abbas sacking, The Anwar ‘kangaroo’ Trial, The Anwar second sodomy case, The dubious sexually explicit videos and above all else the death of many innocent children in the National Service.

Fail. E-, F, X, whatever.

It is my academic reading that this nation has lost its citizen’s honor and respect. How can that compare to BRIM and the Tall Two Towers of Petronas or the Splendour of Putra Mosque?

Allah The Most High sent all his prophets to teach about the dignity and humaneness of man to treat one another with love and compassion. Allah The Most Beneficient, needs no RM600 million mosque.

So, in summation, BN was a great blessing then, but now it is becoming an entity that would dismantle what its own forefathers built. In principle, there is nothing absolutely wrong with the political concept of BN…its present leaders show no qualities comparable to the leaders of old.

Right, so now comes my programme. Remember…I am not a social scientist, nor a super management guru but just a guy with a Phd in architecture, 40 books to my name, hundreds of encyclopedia entries, hundreds of media articles and a fondness for reading how to get close to god from Christian, Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist perspectives, as well as freethinkers.

This is my take and my priority in dealing with racism.

Retrain the Ustaz

First and foremost, I would like to retrain 50 ustaz or religious teachers for six months on a single message; Islam abhors, rejects and can never tolerate racism in any form, action or even thought.

The Ustaz will be taught in class, at the temples, churches and houses of people from various races and religions.Upon graduation, they will be the light that will realign the Muslim Malay mindset.

Why have I made the ustaz my top priority? I have listened to thousands of sermons, CDs, cassettes and ceramah to know that the ustaz and the content of their lectures and sermons have contributed greatly to the polarisation of this country.

My second priority is education. I have already written extensively about vernacular schools and the national curriculum. Just to sum up, there are just two points.

First, if we are to keep the vernacular schools and religious madrasah, then there must be a no-nonsense policy that the children must have a ‘year out’ at the primary and the secondary level at a national school.

Second point is that the national school curriculum must be revamped so that cultural and religious needs of non-Malay Muslim students must also be strictly adhered to.

Exchange some of the content of science, maths, history, geography and Bahasa Malaysia for cultural studies and religious understanding.There will be teachers teaching Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and Hinduism in the national curriculum.

My third priority is my Hijra Children Concept which I wrote about in Malaysiakini some time ago.

In sum, I called for volunteer parents of 14 year olds and 16 year old sons to come forth and exchange their children with a family of a different race and culture for a period of three months. In this way not only the children will get to interact with different people in Malaysia, the parents can also interact with the relatives of other culture related to the adopted child.

This is a very important programme because of its direct social implications.
Fourthly, I would personally dismantle the National Service, kick out all military personnel and reorganise the camps into fun filled summer camps concept of 2 weeks with 50 percent Malays and 50 percent non-Malays on a voluntary participatory method.

There will be no military style program but more of games, talks, art and craft and service to the community visitation to temples, churches and mosques.

Fifthly, I would reorganise Dewan Bahasa and split it into one which still concentrate on developing knowledge in Bahasa Melayu but the other entity must publish books about our different cultures and religions in the Malay, Chinese and Indian languages. The books should be about rituals, customs, religions and traditions.

Sixth, I would concentrate on our teachers in secondary and primary schools. The teachers have to be retrained like the Ustaz but in a one month course where they learn in class but also get close to the multi-ethnic parties.

Seventh is a programme for university students.The students must be retrained to understand that cultural understanding is paramount in business management as well as in public relations.

Regardless of whatever profession students target these two skills are necessary for confident career advancement or prospects.

The eighth programme is what I call the ‘Personal touch’. In the age of mobile phones, fast internet and everything on a tight schedule, we must go back to the simple days of laid back talking, eating and plain old socialising.

All politicians, high ranking officials should take off one weekend every four months to pick from a preselected family of a different race and live with them and participate in the family, religious and social rituals.

Leaders must come down to earth once in a while…or for a number of whiles in fact, to rediscover the true meaning of humility, tenderness and simple caring. All these human traits seem to have disappeared in front of the LCD screen.

Inter-cultural exchange

At UTM School of Architecture, in the measured drawing programme where students have to measure and record the history of heritage buildings, they would have to stay for a month with the families that own the houses and the community which surround it.

The inter-cultural exchange is a by-product that I found most beneficial and important.There you have it. My simple blueprint. Call it naïve, strange or even ridiculous.

But this is my honest reading of what has happened in Malaysia and how I think might return us back to a nation with a serious and humane conscience and minus racism and religious intolerance.

If BN and Pakatan is disinterested, then Malaysians of all walk of life with the help of NGOs can raise funds and organise ourselves to do what must be done for our children’s future.

Racism in Malaysia will never disappear and having certain parties purposely, accidentally or even naively perpetrating mistrust between the races will not help the situation change.

The fate of our nation lies with the few citizens who still have a conscience, hope and the vision to see Malaysia in a new light.

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PROF DR MOHAMAD TAJUDDIN MOHAMAD RASDI is a 23-year veteran academic and teaches architecture at Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. He specialises in mosque and Islamic architecture particularly that which relates to Malaysia using a hadith-based and socio-cultural approach in order to create the total idea of built environment suited for a whole social structure.

Cops widen probe on Adam

May 19, 2013

Prime Minister Najib: Listen to Voices of  Student Dissent

The Voice of Student Dissent

COMMENT: Elections are over but young citizen activists who are unhappy with the results are back to show their dissatisfaction with the outcome by attending rallies organized by the Opposition in large numbers. They are defying orders from the Police not to attend these gatherings which have been declared illegal by the Police.

They see injustice and want to change so that they are free to choose a government through free and fair elections. This movement for change cannot be suppressed because people like Adam Ali and his friends and associates in various universities and other educational institutions are driven by democratic ideals, not by money or fear tactics. Like their counterparts in Indonesia at the close of the Suharto era, they choose democracy and freedom.

His friends were feeding him food while his hands were handcuffed when he was brought to his place in Bangsar this evening.

Their demands are simple; they want a legitimate government, not one that retains power by massive electoral fraud. They want the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of our Election Commission to step down; like BERSIH, they seek electoral reforms, and they want the EC itself to be revamped and made independent. not an appendage of the Prime Minister’s Department.

Will the Najib administration engage them civilly? Obviously not, since the symbol of student protest, Adam Ali, is under detention and faces the prospect of imprisonment of up to 20 years under the penal code.

Here is the opportunity for the government to crack down on Malaysian dissidents. We have a new Minister of Home Affairs and Inspector-General of Police and his Deputy (above). They are keen to show that they are tough and intolerant of dissent. They will not hesitate to use whatever means available to them to deal with student  protests and political dissent led by the Opposition.

In truth, high handed methods will only acerbate, not alleviate tensions since these student activists are intelligent and reasonable people.

What the Home Affairs Minister and his Inspector-General of Police need to do is to have dialogue with them. It is very much in the power of the Minister of Home Affairs and the Inspector-General to defuse the mounting tension by releasing Adam Ali from detention and by allowing peaceful protests to go on.

At the same time, the Najib administration should address the issue of electoral reform and the demands of BERSIH for free and fair elections. It should also ask for the resignation of the Election Commission Chairman and his Deputy to facilitate change. –Din Merican

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Cops widen probe on Adam

by Ram Anand@http://www.malaysiakini.com

Student activist Adam Adli, who was arrested yesterday, is also being probed under Section 124 (B) of the Penal Code in addition to being investigated under the Section 4 of the Sedition Act.

His lawyer Eric Paulsen said that the police had told a magistrate this morning that Adam is also being investigated for participating in an act “detrimental to parliamentary democracy”, which is now a crime based on a newly amended provision under the Penal Code which came into effect late last year.

Paulsen said that this provision under the Penal Code was “too general”.  Adam is investigated for the remarks he made during a public forum at the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH) on May 13, where he, alongside several other activists, urged the people to stage a massive street protest against electoral fraud.

Investigations are also based on a report by Free Malaysia Today, quoting rally organisers telling the forum that they will use the rally to “topple the government”.  This means Adam could face up to 20 years in jail if he is found guilty under the Penal Code.

After a day, no statements taken
 
Magistrate Muzlinda Mohd had ordered for Adam to be remanded for five days due to the nature of the alleged offence, Paulsen told Malaysiakini.

The 24-year-old Adam, best known for being suspended for three semesters by University Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI) for lowering a flag bearing Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s image in front of the UMNO headquarters two years ago, was arrested in Bangsar Utama at 3pm yesterday.

At the time of writing, the Police have yet to record his statement, which according to Paulsen, suggests that the arrest was an act of punishment.

“It has been more than 24 hours, and he has yet to have his statement taken,” Paulsen said, saying that Adam is still in a lock-up at the Jinjang Police station.

Paulsen, who is representing Adam along with Latheefa Koya, said that they are unhappy with the remand period and will file an objection tomorrow. He also said that Adam’s arrest and subsequent investigation signals lack of tolerance for dissent by the Najib administration.

GE-13 is Neither Free nor Fair

May 17, 2013

Bishop Paul Tan and I agree: GE-13 is Neither Free nor Fair

Bishop Paul Tan and I  have no problem in agreeing that GE-13 is “anything but free and fair”. We are not in the business of political hedging, preferring to state our views as clearly we can. No mincing of words for fear of incurring the displeasure of the powers that be.In fact, we owe it to our government to tell them the truth, however unpleasant that maybe.

As Malaysians who are concerned about freedom, democracy, and justice, we support BERSIH. We are with Ambiga and her civil society friends and are very pro-electoral reform. BERSIH must continue its work.

Having stated my position on free and fair election, I accept the appointment of Prime Minister Najib and his Cabinet by our beloved King. His Majesty has acted in the best interest of our country by accepting the election results. Consequently, countries with whom we have diplomatic relations have accepted the new Government.

The Opposition, however, is free to contest the election results in our country’s courts. In the meantime, the business of government must begin in earnest since uncertainty is bad for our economy and our morale.

The new Najib Government should deal the following issues with a great sense of urgency:

• Fight Corruption and racism.
• Free the media.
• Manage the economy and deal with the serious budget deficit and the mounting national debt.
• Promote a merit based system of government.
• Restore Judicial Independence.
• Revamp the Education System.

– Din Merican

Bishop: Polls anything but free and fair

RK Anand | http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com

Bishop Paul Tan explains that while he abstains from partisan politics, he supports electoral watchdog Bersih in its cause for free and fair polls.

INTERVIEW

PETALING JAYA: An outspoken Catholic cleric has cast aspersion on the 13th general election with regard to the battle for Putrajaya being clean and fair.

Bishop Paul Tan said this in reference to the report of the Institute of Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) and Centre for Public Policy Studies (CPPS).

“IDEAS and CPPS have done an interim report. In it, there is this conclusion: ‘GE13 was only partially free and not fair’. I find it difficult to believe that the report could conclude this…

“But when it concluded ‘only partially free’ for the three reasons given that

Malaysians want a competent and efficient institutions.

are fraught with irregularities as reported in the said report, the people involved are not objective,” he said.

“From the multiple examples of irregularities arrived in the report, permit me to use a stronger phrase than that of IDEAS and CPPS: GE13 is anything but transparently ‘free and fair’,” he added.

The Bishop, who heads the Malacca and Johor diocese, conceded that he could be wrong but stressed that he was morally obliged to speak out at this time because of the immorality practiced before and during GE13.

“If I didn’t speak up, I would have to answer to my God and my Church,” he said.

Tan said while he obeyed the Catholic Church’s teaching that clerics must not take sides in partisan politics, he noted that the church also taught that clerics must speak out against immoralities and against all that go against human rights.

“As a religious person in my role as bishop, I am in a dilemma vis-a-vis to what extent should I allow a certain degree of immorality or infringement against human rights to go on unpunished before denouncing them publicly,” he added.

For a long time, Tan said, there had not been sufficient action taken against immorality in its widest sense, especially corruption.

“Some attempts have been made by related government departments to deal with the matter. In ‘grosso modo’, it has not been effective. Only a few small fish have been caught, the big fish was left untouched.

“The consequence of this ‘laissez faire’ lifestyle is that it has produced massive corruption, cheating and immoral manipulation of the people to garner votes for one’s political party. Unfortunately, this cuts across the boundaries of all parties. The degree lies in the extent of corruption,” he added.

‘Are we not ashamed?’

The Bishop also noted that the most obvious example was the lavish manner in which the Najib administration threw cash to get votes.

“Where is our country going? Are cheating and corruption condoned as part of our Malaysian culture? Are we not ashamed of our country being an immoral society? We must all reflect and examine our consciences. What sort of nation do we want our country to be, moral or immoral? Undoubtedly, all will want a ‘moral country’.But what sort of morality do we want? It is here that the degree of permissiveness comes into play. To what extent can we tolerate it before stringent action is taken to punish the unscrupulous?” he said.

Condemning money politics, Tan said even if it was considered “legalised corruption”, it does not exonerate the guilt of the ones involved.

“Corruption is corruption, even if one was to dress it up like a queen. A toilet remains a toilet, even if one gives it the beautiful terms of ‘comfort room’ or ‘powder room’,” he added.

The Bishop explained that while he abstained from partisan politics, he supported electoral watchdog BERSIH in its cause for free and fair polls.“Any rational and moral person will support it,” he said.

SHEER Arrogance: New Home Minister tells unhappy Malaysians to emigrate

May 16, 2013

Sheer Arrogance, Zahid Hamidi

Newly-appointed Home Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said Malaysians who are unhappy with the country’s political system should leave the country, stressing that loyal citizens should respect the Rule of Law.

In his first opinion piece printed in Utusan Malaysia since receiving the portfolio yesterday, Ahmad Zahid wrote that the illegal gatherings held across the country by Pakatan Rakyat was a form of escapism and the denial of the fact that it failed to take control of Putrajaya.

The Minister added that the Opposition was over-confident with the support it received from voters.

Despite the fervour shown by their supporters, some PR leaders acknowledge that no concrete change will manifest from continued rallies. — File pic Malaysian Insider

“Even if it is true that the Opposition had claimed a greater majority, the measurement used by the opposition had been manipulated to follow the list system or the single transferable vote system,” he said in column entitled “Perhimpunan haram sebab tak terima hakikat gagal kuasai Putrajaya.” (Illegal gathering because refuses to accept failure in controlling Putrajaya)

“Malaysia inherited the political system from the United Kingdom and many Commonwealth countries also use the first past the post system where political parties contesting in the election will only have one representative in each constituency with the principle of a simple majority of votes,” he added.

Malaysia inherited the political system from the United Kingdom and many Commonwealth countries also use the first past the post system where political parties contesting in the election will only have one representative in each constituency with the principle of a simple majority of votes !

He said opposition leaders, especially those from PKR and DAP, have been irresponsible in confusing young Chinese voters and their followers who are “politically blind” to dress in black to protest against the result of the 13th general election which they believe is for them due to the popular vote.

“If these people wish to adopt the list system or the single transferable vote used by countires with the republic form of government, then they should migrate to these countries to practise their political beliefs. Malaysia is not a country to translate their political beliefs, even if they are really loyal to this country, they should accept the political system and the existing system to form a government as enshrined in the Federal Constitution,” he said.

He said PR must recognise and accept that the voters have rejected their rule in accordance to the first past the post system.

“Illegal gatherings organised as roadshows are just an escapism by the opposition to run away from the fact that they have failed to capture Putrajaya. The Opposition was actually over confident with the support of the voters and manipulated the various issues with false promises in its manifesto that they know will not be able to implement,” he said.

He also pointed out that PAS President Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang had already accepted the results  and disagreed with the illegal gatherings by PKR and DAP.

“People are getting fed up with the behaviour of a number of opposition leaders who are dragging in the young, especially those of Chinese descent, by fanning the flames of hatred and racism in a pluralistic society which has already fostered a sense of harmony. The Opposition is also questioning the authority of the Election Commission (EC) which had allegedly manipulated the votes. It is an outrageous accusation when the EC have observed most of their demands including the use of indelible ink that is only used by the third world countries,” he said.

Winner of seats, not votes

May 15, 2013

by Azmi Sharom@http://www.thestar.com.my

WHEN criticising laws and policies in this country, one of the stock answers that one is faced with is that the majority voted for the government in power, therefore, they are obviously happy with those said laws and policies. The majority rules after all.

Since 1969 Malaysia has a government whom the majority of voters did not choose.

I’d like to see anyone try that line of argument with me now. Not since 1969 has Malaysia had a government whom the majority of voters did not choose.

The popular vote in the 13th general election had 47% voting for Ba­risan Nasional, 51% for Pakatan Rak­yat and the remainder to Indepen­dents. The difference in numerical terms shows Pakatan with almost 390,000 more votes than Barisan.

These numbers are almost the mirror image of figures during the 12th General Election when BN won, so theoretically it should now be Pa­k­atan’s turn to govern.

Yet in GE-13, Barisan lost only se­v­en seats (my calculations are based on results of the 2008 elections before the frog-like behaviour of a handful of MPs) and are thus still holding the majority of seats in Parliament.

This is a weird situation of course and one that a teacher would be h­a­r­d pressed to explain to a class of nine-year-olds. Odd as it is, this is a possible outcome when one uses the first past the post system. However, such abnormalities are usually found in political systems where there are more than two political parties or coalitions.

In those situations the possibility of votes being split are more numerous thus leading to the possibility of a government with less than 50% of the popular votes but more seats in the legislature.

In our situation, because by and large there are only two major players (the Independents and smaller parties had a minimal impact in terms of vote splitting), the popular vote should reflect the number of seats in Parliament. Yet it did not.

So the question here is how can the system that we use (one used all over the world) lead to what on the face of it is an unfair result.

The answer is that although in the first past the post system the risk of a party having a majority of seats with a minority of popular votes is always there, the way to avoid such absurdities is to ensure that all the constituencies are appro­ximately t­h­­e sa­me size in terms of voter numbers. This is obviously not the case in Malaysia.

The discrepancies of voter numbers can be huge; this is particularly so when comparing the rural and urban areas with the latter having far more registered voters (although this is not necessarily the case all the time; urban Putrajaya is tiny in terms of voter numbers).

Naturally, rural areas are more sparsely populated than urban areas and therefore a certain degree of flexibility is required when delineating constituency lines. Rural areas will by sheer demographic and geographic realities have fewer voters in them.

However, the difference must not be ridiculously high. The general guideline is that a discrepancy must not be more than 15% and thus when drawing the boundaries of the constituencies, this factor ought to be considered.

This is clearly not the case. To give you an idea as to how big the discrepancies can get; the difference between Kapar (144,159 voters) and Putrajaya (15,791 voters) is just over 900%.

In effect, in the smaller constituencies, a person’s vote carries more weight than in the larger ones and it is no coincidence that the ruling coalition finds its support largely in small constituencies. This is not a satisfactory situation but it is one that can be fixed because the moment has come for a re-delineation exercise in this country. What perfect timing.

The Election Commission (EC) is charged with the exercise although the final acceptance of their recommendations lies in the hands of parliament (and the state legislatures in the case of state seats).

Why is it so difficult for the EC to do the right thing?

This is an opportunity for the EC to do the right thing and make good recommendations. They must if they are to recover any shred of dignity following their performance in the GE13. The fiasco with the so-called indelible ink is one example of how poorly handled things were.

The fact that the ink can be was­hed off (due to the “diluted” version used) has been attributed to the non-shaking of bottles (yes, seriously); Islamic teaching (although in India and Pakistan there appears to be no complaints about using the ink from the hundreds of millions of M­u­s­lims there); in the interest of health, apparently the ink can mess up your kidneys or give you cancer or something equally horrible (which is jolly thoughtful of the EC, but perhaps a tad paranoid and over-protective).

It was ludicrous to say that it does not matter if the ink is washable because you can only vote once with your identity card. What if someone has phantom like tendencies and has more than one identity card?

Which leads us to the EC’s terribly blasé treatment of genuine fears that phan­tom voters existed; another e­x­am­ple of them behaving in a manner that does not engender public confidence.

I am unsure if the EC will redraw the constituency boundaries in a fai­rer manner, and I am even more un­s­ure if the ruling party will accept any­thing that in their minds will be a disadvantage to their grasp on power.

What I am sure about is this country runs the risk of being a joke if something is not done to fix this. Unfortunately, it w­o­n’t be a funny joke and there is the probability of an un-amused and furious populace.

Democratic practices done properly are what ensure peace, not façade democracies which do not ultimately respect the peoples’ choice. When will those with the responsibility and the power stop t­h­i­n­king in petty terms and realise this? When will they show that they truly care about the nation?

Pakatan Rakyat’s Task is Momentous

May 15, 2013

by Selena Tay@http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com

It cannot be denied that Barisan Nasional has won the 13th general election at all costs. And it also cannot be denied that they have obtained less than 50% of the popular vote. When all is said and done, this simply shows that Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak is not that popular after all.

While Pakatan Rakyat will be filing election petitions to challenge the results of between 25 to 29 parliamentary seats, the results of the 13th general election at this point in time is definitely valid until the legal process takes its course.

Therefore the Pakatan MPs must now focus on the work of being the Opposition in Parliament. Their first task of course will be to bring up important issues in the new parliamentary session which will be held either end of this month or early June.

One of these issues of course will be the crime rate. People are being killed due to snatch thefts and violent shootings and these have been reported in the mainstream papers. Numerous other incidents of crime go unreported, especially the house break-ins in neighbourhoods and residential areas.

Another issue that should be brought up by the Pakatan MPs is the one-sided reporting practiced by the mainstream media. Not only before the 13th general election but also after the polls have been concluded. The mainstream media is still set in its ways in attacking Pakatan Rakyat.

DAP especially has been singled out to bear the blame for causing the so-called ‘Chinese tsunami’ when in fact many Chinese had also voted for PAS candidates.

Perak PAS strategist, Ustaz Idris Ahmad has vowed to bring up in Parliament the issue of lopsided mainstream media reporting and BN’s brand of divisive politics.

Said Idris, “Labelling the 13th general election as a ‘Chinese tsunami’ is BN’s Machiavellian method of staying in power at all costs because they have no wholesome ideas that can benefit the rakyat.” Idris also criticised the National Civics Bureau (BTN) for implanting malicious slanders against Pakatan in the minds of the civil servants.

“Even I myself won in the parliamentary seat of Bukit Gantang with the help of the Chinese voters. The Chinese only reject BN, not reject Malay,” stressed Idris who also mentioned that UMNO constantly tells the rural Malays that DAP is anti-Islam while at the same time instructing the mainstream media to blank out MCA’s insults on Islam, especially when it comes to MCA president Dr Chua Soi Lek’s remarks that ‘Islam impedes economic progress’.

Idris noted that there is absolutely no proof that DAP’s Penang Chief Minister, Lim Guan Eng is a racist. Guan Eng had in fact increased the allocation for the Islamic religious schools and the salary of the religious teachers when he took over the post in 2008.

“In actual fact, UMNO is covering up for its own weaknesses by blaming others. And that is why Malays who can think and who are informed will reject UMNO. Malays need to think out the answer to this question: ‘Who is oppressing the people of Kelantan, the majority of whom are Malays?’. The Malays who can answer this question correctly will definitely reject UMNO,” remarked Idris.

Malicious Journalism

Malicious journalism which incites racial sentiments and misleads people is an evil practice that does nothing to enhance nation-building. In addition to that, there is also wrongful reporting by the mainstream press and Malaysian government paid journalists and analysts (youtube above).

A local English daily on May 13, 2013 reported that PAS candidate Wan Aishah Wan Ariffin who contested the Parliament seat of Jempol in Negeri Sembilan against BN’s Isa Samad had lost her deposit.

For the record, Isa obtained 31,109 votes while Wan Aishah got 22,495 votes. This shows clearly that she did not lose her deposit as only those who failed to obtain more than 1/8 of the total votes will lose their deposits. (For a parliament seat, the deposit is RM10,000.)

Idris took pains to stress that there has to be a fair election system and this is an issue that must certainly be raised in parliament. He brought up the example of Perak wherein for the state seats, Pakatan had obtained 625,710 (54.8%) votes while BN’s vote count was 506,947 (44.4%) and yet BN gets to form the state government!

There were three state seats in which Pakatan lost by a slim majority and they are Lubuk Merbau (53 votes), Manjoi (132 votes) and Manong (231 votes). In Manjoi, the loss was due to the postal votes wherein there should be no more postal votes in the this general election.

“The worst and most ironic thing is that the votes for the postal voting which took place earlier were counted only after all the ordinary votes have been tallied up and this issue definitely needs to be looked into for the umpteenth time and properly addressed,” said Idris.

For the parliamentary seats in Perak, Pakatan obtained 590,344 votes (51.7%) while BN obtained 546,451 votes (47.8%).

At the end of the day, BN has done many evil, malicious and wrongful deeds. All these shenanigans mentioned above and those not mentioned only go to show that all right-thinking citizens have a momentous task ahead to bring this nation forward by strengthening the bonds of racial unity.

We need perseverance, fortitude and wisdom in the struggle to make this nation great.

Selena Tay is a DAP member and a FMT columnist.

Najib New Cabinet will be named on May 15

May 15, 2013

by Jahabar Sadiq (05-14-13)
Editor, The Malaysian Insider

The new Cabinet to be announced tomorrow (May 15) will have a familiar look and loaded with UMNO lawmakers, with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak having one eye on this year’s party polls.

One likely to make a comeback is Datuk Seri Tengku Adnan Mansor, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and UMNO Secretary-General who gained notoriety several years ago for allegedly fixing judicial appointments during the Mahathir era.

Also on the shortlist is Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh (left), the former Terengganu Mentri Besar who together with Tengku Adnan is a member of the BN war room that planned the coalition’s Election 2013 campaign.

Another member of the war room, Rompin MP Datuk Seri Jamaluddin Jarjis, could also be rewarded with a Cabinet post, sources said today. But they said that no losers in the general election will be appointed to the Cabinet through appointments as a federal senator.

The Cabinet list is being scrutinised with interest on expectations that they have to be in line with Najib’s drive for reforms after getting his own mandate in the May 5 general elections.

There has been speculation that he would also opt for newer and younger faces to push his reform agenda outlined under the BN manifesto and various socio-economic initiatives since he took power in 2009.

The names of two state companies chiefs, Malayan Banking Bhd Chief Executive Officer Datuk Seri Abdul Wahid Omar and Khazanah Nasional Berhad’s Managing Director Tan Sri Azman Mokhtar (right) have also been bandied about but there is strong sentiment in Putrajaya that by virtue of winning 88 federal seats, UMNO must be rewarded.

One polarising figure in the discussion for a Cabinet position is UMNO Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin with strong push back from the Mahathir camp, arguing that his baggage from the Abdullah years will be a liability.

In his corner is Najib who believes that Khairy, who tripled his majority from 5,746 votes in Election 2008 to 18,357 in this year’s polls, will be important in tackling social media and coming up with strategies to win the young.

One tricky move is whether to remove Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein as the Home Minister or retain the UMNO Vice-President in that post. An online poll by The Malaysian Insider today showed that out of nearly 18,000 respondents, 97 per cent were against him to remain as Home Minister.

The other two UMNO Vice Presidents, Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Datu kSeri Shafie Apdal, are expected to keep their Cabinet posts as Defence and Rural Development ministers respectively.

It is also understood that Kelantan UMNO chief Datuk Seri Mustapa Mohamed is expected to keep his post as International Trade and Industry Minister.

State news agency Bernama reported today that Najib is scheduled to have an audience with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong Tuanku Abdul Halim Muadzam Shah at Istana Negara at noon tomorrow to get approval for his new Cabinet line-up.

According to the statement issued by the Prime Minister’s Department today, the King has agreed that ceremony to present letters of appointment, as well as for the appointed ministers and deputy ministers to take the oath of office, loyalty and secrecy be held at the palace at 9.30am on Thursday.

The Malaysian Insider also learnt that Sungai Besar MP Datuk Noriah Kasnon is expected to fill the post of women, family and community development minister after her stint there as the deputy minister since last year.

Bernama had earlier reported that several new faces from Sabah and Sarawak could fill vacancies caused by MCA and Gerakan’s decision not to accept any Cabinet posts following their drubbing in the May 5 general elections.

Among the names mentioned are Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) Deputy President Datuk Seri Tiong King Sing, 52, who is Bintulu MP and ex-chairman of the BN Backbenchers Club.

Other than Tiong, two MPs from Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS), namely Datin Linda Tsen Thau Lin, 57, (Batu Sapi) and Datuk Mary Yap Kain Ching @ Mary Yap Ken Jin, 62, (Tawau), are also speculated will be new faces in the Cabinet.

Khalid Ibrahim: Menteri Besar of Selangor for a Second Term

May 14, 2013

by Terence Netto@http://www.malaysiakini.com

COMMENT: After a little more than a week of wrangling over who from PKR is to be Selangor Menteri Besar, incumbent Khalid Ibrahim took the oath of office as the state’s CEO today.

When it comes to power relations in Malaysian politics, incumbency confers enormous advantages – just ask the BN if you doubt that.

The propulsion of incumbency and a track record that has more plusses than minuses have pushed the former Permodalan Nasional Bhd CEO to commence his second term as MB of the richest state in the country. But Khalid would damage his credentials if he does not take heed of critics’ objections to him.

The nub of the case against extending his tenure made out by challenger Azmin Mohd Ali (right in photo), the Selangor PKR chief who caused a tempest in a teacup by doing so, was that Khalid takes a long time to make decisions on investment proposals because of a disinclination to delegate responsibility.

He doesn’t trust anyone enough to delegate and so micromanages, which often means he does not have enough time to respond quickly enough to business proposals. This causes frustration among local investors keen to get going on their propositions but the MB remains unimpressed with the businessmen whom he has not known from before his time as MB.

Between nerve and courage

When you have been a successful CEO of a big government-linked corporation like PNB, it must take an enormous amount to disturb your sangfroid even if you are sufficiently aware you are now tending a field whose essential character is much different to a corporation.

The corporate man looks at the work culture in his place and the bottom line and then decides if he is doing well or not; the political one has not only to look to ethics and sustainability, he has also to manage people’s expectations – a thing that’s far too elusive to pin down.

It’s like the difference between nerve and courage, about which it is easy to be confused. Nerve is what you need to jump out from a four-storey building when there is no other escape from a fire; courage is when you go back for a friend.

A similar difference obtains between corporate managerial and political panache. Khalid lacks the latter which is why Selangor PKR stalwarts are driven to distraction by his lack of appreciation for their needs.

Khalid (left), having had a fairly smooth ride up the corporate ladder in plantation group Guthrie and in PNB, has not really had a spell in the wilderness of want such as signal members of Selangor PKR have had between the start of the reformasi struggle in 1998 and partial success in the Oopposition Pakatan Rakyat’s victory in Selangor at the 2008 general election.

Party politics is also about jobs, opportunities and rewards, which a corporate man may find it difficult to appreciate. The latter is apt to think he has made it on his own steam; therefore he does not need patrons and, worse still, parasites.

Party politics, however, is also about patronage, networking and IOUs which can come due at awkward times. Someone inured to years in the wilderness would know these realities instinctively and will comport himself, when installed in power, in such manner that he knows the right mix of patronage, rewards and opportunities that will keep a ravening horde at bay.

Understandably, corporate types would consider such exertions vexatious but skilled political ones revel at this game.

New Political Secretary

In his second term as MB, Khalid would have to acquire some of this skill if he is to appease stalwarts among the PKR cohorts in Selangor and from outside the state who live in the Klang Valley and dabble in business there.

He would clear a formidable obstacle in the way of his responsiveness to this claque if he eases out Faekah Husin (right), his political secretary who hasn’t a clue that the placation of this group is a political necessity.

Assuming that Khalid, because of his corporatist past is not good at this game, one must assume that he would have the dexterity to make sure he has a political secretary who would supply his lack.

Unfortunately, Faekah exacerbates rather than lubricates Khalid’s shortfall. Now, his continued occupation of the MB post is dependant on he getting a new political secretary. He is said to appreciate the need for a new one but is against easing out the current one with anything less than refined methods.

If extended to his not inconsiderable virtues as Selangor MB, which have seen the state accumulate reserves of RM2.6 billion from a position of debt inherited from the previous BN government’s profligacy, Khalid would easily become the state’s most accomplished Chief Minister by the end of his second term.

No change is possible in UMNO, thanks to Dr. Mahathir

May 14, 2013

by Zaid Ibrahim

I have never seen as many vile and seditious statements invading the public sphere as I have in this past week. We’ve had Utusan Malaysia provoking the Chinese for rejecting the Barisan Nasional and UMNO leaders labeling non-UMNO Malays as greedy and easily misled.

An academic suggested the abolishment of vernacular schools to encourage unity among the races and an old and pro-BN “historian” said that the Chinese are not actually keen on unity. To cap it off, a retired Court of Appeal judge (right) practically made a call for “restoring” Malay rights and dignity by whatever means.

I never realised that retired judges are also involved in part-time politics, although I believe this case to be a serious aberration.  In the meantime, have we heard anything from the Prime Minister expressing regret for these statements? Perhaps a promise to take some action to stop this dangerous game of provocation? None whatsoever; in fact, he defended Utusan by saying Chinese newspapers are playing the same game.

Is this the kind of Prime Minister we want? Certainly not. I have been very patient with him, as have so many Malaysians.

We have always given him extra room to breathe because we thought he was surrounded by the worse ultras in UMNO. We allowed him to dabble in “double speak” because we thought it was necessary for him to maintain his equilibrium as UMNO President.

Najib has to go

But enough is enough. This man has to go. He is afraid to do the right thing for the country. His 1Malaysia is a sham. I blame him for allowing this mad, racist frenzy to pander to UMNO delegates so he can retain power at the party elections at the end of the year.

His conduct is inexcusable. If he wants to deal with a challenge from his No 2, he need not appear to be more Malay than Muhyuddin.  There is no need to unleash the keris and Utusan or to get all these half-baked Malay leaders to spout hate.

His mentor Dr Mahathir has given him all the ammunition he needs. UMNO is the only political party in the world where a Supreme Council decision can override any provision in its own Constitution (hard to believe but it’s true).

Even the Chinese Communist party does not have this provision. So all the Prime Minister has to do is get the Supreme Council to pass a resolution prohibiting any challenge to his position.

With his men intact in the Supreme Council (both elected and appointed by him), there would be no contest for the party presidency. Even if this resolution is “flawed” it could not be challenged in court. Dr Mahathir has made sure of that. With the amendment to the Federal Constitution and the Societies Act, the Court no longer has any power of judicial review of decisions made by political societies.

So why engage in this song-and-dance that can irreparably damage racial and religious harmony in the country, when all you want is another five years at the helm? UMNO delegates are easily managed if their leader has the means to address their concerns. They are not terribly difficult to deal with.  Just ask Dr Mahathir.  So please, spare innocent Malaysians your UMNO gamesmanship—we want peace and harmony, not hate politics.

Post GE13: What Malaysians want

May 14, 2013

by Dr Kua Kia Soong (05-13-13)@http://www.malaysiakini.com

COMMENT: In the aftermath of GE13, UMNO wants to know what BN detractors want. Malaysians have felt frustrated and sidetracked by their attempt at communalising the election results, something they have been doing even before Independence.

BN did their worst – did we do our best? Have dissident Malaysian voters been asking what they want in this election apart from “Ubah (Change)” and lowering the price of petrol? Anything But UMNO (ABU) is an ‘away from’ response. Have we listed out ‘towards’ demands?

With all the visible injustice and foul play in the GE13, there is understandably plenty of pent-up frustration and anger among those who have experienced being wronged. And we know that that the roots of that injustice are to be found in an electoral system that has for years been inherently flawed.

Having seen the videos of violence against migrant ‘voters’ during this election makes me wonder if such a reaction is at least in part, the result of misplaced expectations. If the BN government had listened to the demands by Malaysian civil society, they would not be asking us what we want after the election.

The following are some of our fundamental demands which call for an end to corruption, oppression and racism, and the reinstatement of justice, democracy and human rights:

1. One person, one vote

We have known about gerrymandering in the country for decades and yet there was the false hope that GE13 was going to overcome this major impediment to electoral fair play.

Notice that BERSIH’s eight demands are short-term and do not include this mother of all unfree and unfair aspects of Malaysian elections, namely, undemocratic constituency delineation.

The original Merdeka constitution provided that in drawing up constituencies, “there shall not be more than a difference of 15 percent in the number of electors of any constituency to the electoral quota.”

The “electoral quota” or national average, was defined as the number obtained by dividing the number of electors in the federation by the total number of constituencies. Section 2(c) of the Thirteenth Schedule had stipulated that “the number of electors within each constituency ought to be approximately equal throughout the unit of review.”

The constitution was amended in 1962 transferring the power to delimit parliamentary constituencies from the Election Commission (EC) to a bare majority of parliament.

A new Thirteenth Schedule sets out certain new features permitting a weightage of up to 2:1 in favour of rural constituencies, thus enabling differences of 100 percent between urban and rural seats.

A further constitutional amendment in 1973 took away altogether the original check in the Thirteenth Schedule on there being too great a disparity between urban and rural seats.

Today, the absurdity of constituency delineation in Malaysia is exemplified by the contrast between 10,000 voters at Putrajaya federal constituency and more than 100,000 at Kapar, a disparity of more than 10:1.

The Malaysian Chinese organisations, which endorsed the joint declaration before the 1986 general election, focused on this demand for fair constituency delineation as one of the main objectives for their civil rights committee. But they have not followed up on this demand since then.

Thus, this reform to the Malaysian electoral system should take top priority and not creating false hopes that lead to mobs beating up migrants.

2. End racism and racial discrimination

Racism in the form of Malay-centric ideology has been the main instrument of rule by the UMNOputras ever since they have been in power. Their “1 Malaysia” exists only as a slogan – how else can they justify blatant racial discrimination in the economic, educational and social sectors?

Thus, as soon as dissident voters show them what they think of the charade, the same trite rhetorical question is posed by their propaganda machines: “What more do they want?”

One would have thought that the leaders of Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) knew that.Furthermore, I have shared the same rostrum with some of these Hindraf leaders at forums where I have pointed out that state racism in Malaysia has taken a morbid turn toward victimising ethnic Indians, especially the poor and marginalised.

This is seen in the disproportionate number of Indians among the victims of Police shootings and deaths in custody. The implementation of the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) should have been Hindraf’s non-negotiable demand to the BN government.

I had assumed that the Hindraf leaders would understand this analysis of state racism in Malaysia and the requisite political practice that logically followed from that analysis.

Unfortunately, their theory and practice has followed the same backward example of “racial bargaining” typical of the MIC and the MCA. They have chosen to back the hegemonic oppressor and exploiter of the masses on the eve of the election by using the flimsiest excuse about being rebuffed by Pakatan Rakyat. But then such opportunism has been seen ever since careerist politics came into existence.

I stand to be proven wrong and will render an unreserved apology to these Hindraf leaders if they prove to be dedicated and selfless activists who refuse to accept any government or bureaucratic posts in this administration but operate as an NGO to monitor the implementation of their “blueprint”.

One would have thought that the abolition of the New Economic Policy (NEP) should have been the sine qua non for Hindraf in any tryst with the two coalitions since the NEP is the main perpetrator of racial discrimination in Malaysian society and the main obstacle to progress.

The actions of the Hindraf leaders seem to suggest that they condone the NEP as long as the Indians also get a slice of the cake –regardless of whether any slice is apportioned to the Orang Asli, the poor Chinese and others.

I might add that in their exuberance for “Ubah”, the dissident voters neglected to call for the abolition of the NEP which had a sell-by date of 1990.

Consequently, Pakatan got off easy with a manifesto that did not have to promise abolishing the NEP if they got into power. We have since been promised a mythical “withering away of the NEP” if Pakatan comes into power.

These are the nuts and bolts of racism and racial discrimination in Malaysia that reforming Malaysians should respond to instead of the knee-jerk reaction to the racism that underpins UMNO and that has not changed ever since the umnosaurus had spots.

3. Elected local government

We want this third tier of government to be elected by the people and not appointed by the state governments as prizes for toadies. Again, this vital democratic demand was not in the Pakatan manifesto and negligent “democrats” must take some of the blame for this oversight.

An elected local government should go hand-in-hand with the reform to decentralise government and empower people at the local level to take charge of education, transport, housing and even community policing.

4. End corruption

Corruption in Malaysia needs to be curbed effectively through:

• The setting up an Independent Anti-Corruption Commission answerable to parliament with the power to recommend prosecutions for all offences of corrupt practice;

• A Public Accounts Committee in parliament that is chaired by an opposition member of parliament and not by the ruling coalition;

• Tighter regulation to prevent money laundering and the outflow of illicit money;

• Eliminating opportunities for corruption by proscribing the “revolving door” opportunities between the civil and armed services and the private sector;

• Ensuring the government ministry or department head accounts for every discrepancy in the annual auditor-general’s report and pays for any negligence or corruption involved;

• Open tendering all privatised projects;

• For all wakil rakyat and heads of civil and armed services to declare their assets and those of their family’s.

5. Uphold the Rule of Law

The Rule of Law ensures that laws are enforced impartially and there is full protection of human rights, especially for minorities. This requires the existence of an independent judiciary, an impartial civil service, and an incorruptible police force.

The BN government has often confused the rule of law with rule by law, in which the law is a mere tool for the government that suppresses in a legalistic fashion.

Good governance to uphold the Rule of Law requires:

• Repealing all laws that allow torture, whipping, detention-without-trial and incommunicado detention;

• Abolishing the death penalty in Malaysia;

• Ratifying the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social & Cultural Rights, the Convention against Torture and the Convention on Refugees;

• Implementing the IPCMC;

• Establishing a law reform commission to restore the independence of the judiciary;

• Reviewing the federal constitution and all laws that are unjust and violate human rights, and resolve the conflict of jurisdiction between civil and syariah laws;

• Establishing a royal commission of inquiry (RCI) to solve once and for all the problem of citizenship for Malaysians, their foreign spouses as well as the problem of undocumented migrants in the country;

• Ensuring social justice for lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgenders (LGBT).

6. Human rights of women, workers and indigenous peoples

Good governance requires:

• Respect for women’s human rights and dignity including incorporating the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Cedaw) and its provisions into national law;

• Reviewing and amending all laws and constitutional provisions that discriminate on the basis of gender;

• Confronting sexism and prejudice based on gender stereotypes;

• Equal pay for women holding similar posts as men;

• Ensuring through competent national tribunals and other public institutions the effective protection of women against any act of discrimination.

Workers’ rights must be recognised by:

• Ensuring labour laws are compatible with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention;

• Encouraging and promoting workers’ unionisation;

• Legislating a progressive guaranteed minimum wage for all workers, including foreign workers;

• Abolishing the contractor for labour system and restoring direct two-party employment relationship between principal and owners of workplaces and the workers that work therein;

• Ensuring all workers are employed as permanent employees who enjoy all benefits, including maternity rights and an extended retirement age.

Recognise the right of the Orang Asal to self-determination, sustainable development and protect the native customary rights of the Orang Asal to their traditional lands and territories.

7. Freedoms of expression, assembly and association

Full participation in a democratic society requires the freedoms of expression, assembly and association to prevail.

The freedom of expression and information cannot prevail until we:

• Abolish the Sedition Act, the Official Secrets Act and the Film Censorship Act;

• Enact a Freedom of Information (FOI) Act at federal and state levels which is reflective of the peoples’ right to know, with the public interest as the overriding principle;

• Prevent the monopoly of ownership and control of the press and broadcasting stations by political parties or corporate bodies.

Media organs paid for by tax payers – including RTM and Selangor Times – must be independent and not be used as propaganda organs of the ruling coalitions.

Malaysians want a competent and efficient institutions.

Good governance relating to the freedoms of assembly and association entails repealing the Police Act, the Societies Act, the Universities and University Colleges Act (UUCA), Peaceful Assembly Act 2011 and other relevant laws which restrict these fundamental freedoms, and granting students of voting age the full freedoms enjoyed by other Malaysian citizens.

These were some of the fundamental demands of the Malaysian civil society in the GE13 together with those for a progressive economic, fiscal, defence, energy, environmental, educational, social and cultural policies.

The BN and Pakatan coalitions would do well to note what Malaysians want in the 13th general election.

Racist Ex-Court of Appeal Judge speaks of Malay Backlash

May 12, 2013

Racist Ex-Court of Appeal Judge  speaks of Malay Backlash against the Chinese

by Nigel Aw@http://www.malaysiakini.com

Former Court of Appeal Judge Mohd Noor Abdullah (left) today warned that the Chinese Malaysians must be prepared for a backlash from the Malay community for their “betrayal” in the recently concluded 13th general election.

“The Chinese betrayal towards the Malay’s hand of friendship – that is true. Because they plotted to seize political power even though they have already have economic power,” he said to raucous applause at a forum in Kuala Lumpur today.

The  forum, titled “GE13 post-mortem: Muslim leadership and survival”, was organised by UiTM Malaysia Alumni Association and Gabungan Pelajar Melayu Semenanjung and held at the Premiera Hotel.

Mohd Noor said some had defended the Chinese community by saying they were supposedly misled by certain leaders but this was done in order not to hurt their feelings.

“For the Malays, the pantang larang (taboo) is to be betrayed, because when they are betrayed, they will react and when they react, their dendam kesumat tidak tersudah-sudah (wrath will be endless).

“When Malays are betrayed, there is a backlash and the Chinese must bear the consequences of a Malay backlash,” he said.

The constitutional expert said that Malays had thus far been defensive and if they were to go on the offensive, they should demand for the creation of more Malay reserve lands, including in the cities.

“The nice term would be called ‘re-organising society’ but the crude term would be for Malays to emigrate into the cities so that we will own the houses together with others and not only be able to just look at them,” he said.

He added that the Malay reserve lands can be allocated in such a way that would ensure Malay majorities which would be a “green zone” during the next general election.

‘Two-thirds in everything’

He also called for the presence of two-thirds Malay presence in key sectors by ensuring there is 67 percent share for Malays and bumiputera in education, civil services and businesses.

“Arrange it in such away, that from today on, every businesses would have a 67 percent share ready for Malays to be taken up at any time,” he said.

Mohd Noor also called for the abolition of the term “Chinese” and “Indian” which would be replaced by “Malays” and Non-Malays” or “Bumiputera” and “non-Bumiputera”.

“The orang asli are our cousins, the Sabah and Sarawak Bumiputeras are our relatives, everyone else are just our neighbours because they came to menumpang (stay) here before.

“We gave them recognition and protection and eventually citizenship until they became rich,” he said.

However, when approach by reporters later, Mohd Noor appear to soften his stance and said he and other speakers were only conveying the mood of the Malay community.

“There may be a counter-backlash from the Chinese but let us all be sober and try to understand each other’s feelings. Come and sit at the round table and find a solution.

“The law must be implemented tooth and nail and anybody who talks about racial disharmony, creating friction among each other – last time there was ISA – now, charge them because sedition law says anybody who create ill-will among the communities, you can be charged, you can be convicted,” he said.

Currently, Mohd Noor sits on the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) complaints committee and formerly sat on UMNO’s disciplinary committee appeals board.

Here You have it, Mr. Jaafar: The Malapportionment of Blame

May 12, 2013

by Tricia Yeoh (05-11-13)@http://www.malaysiakini.com

COMMENT In the past week, two Malay newspapers Utusan Malaysia and Kosmo! chose to have as their headlines controversial statements that could be considered incendiary in reference to the Chinese having rejected Barisan Nasional in favour of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat, following the results of the 13th general elections held almost a week ago.

Both former and current Prime Ministers Dr Mahathir Mohamed and Najib Abdul Razak (right) have said as much, creating the public perception that this election marked out the stark difference in voting patterns between the Malays and Chinese, especially in the latter’s reference to a ‘Chinese Tsunami’.

Malaysians have to caution against this ethnic positioning as an easy blame game, for several reasons. First, it is more accurate to state that the results saw a split between urban and rural voters, hence a spatial and class, rather than an ethnic, divide.

Pakatan strengthened its incumbent position by winning two-third majorities in Selangor and Penang, the two most industrialised and urban states, which together contribute to the almost 60 percent of the country’s GDP.

In Selangor, the only parliamentary seats won by Barisan were in the more rural or semi-urban areas such as Sabak Bernam, Sungai Besar and Tanjong Karang.

In Seremban, DAP candidate Anthony Loke would not have won with more than a 12,000 majority (and a 16,501 swing) had it not been for Malay support, where Malays constitute 44 percent of the seat’s population.

Flawed Argument gets nailed

The argument that Opposition gains were only due to Chinese swing is also not fully accurate, since Malay-majority seats such as Kuala Terengganu (89 percent Malay, 10 percent Chinese) were wrested by Pakatan with a 10,785 majority (and a 11,413 swing). Both are urban seats.

It is ,therefore, too simplistic to attribute the Opposition’s gains to racial polarisation, since one must equally examine class and geographical differences.

Second, the allegations of electoral fraud make it difficult for accurate analysis to take place.Pakatan has accused the electoral system of being rigged through a number of ways, such as providing identity cards for foreigners to vote, flying them into the peninsula en masse from East Malaysia, and Malaysians having their names either removed from the voter roll or registered without their knowledge, ‘indelible ink’ that was very easily removed, and vote-buying, among other discrepancies.

If the fraud is indeed as widespread as alleged, then this raises serious concerns as to the legitimacy of the election results, which has a direct effect on our reading of voter sentiment.

Out of the 24 parliamentary seats with a majority of less than 1,500, 17 of them were eventually won by Barisan – including Bentong and Kuala Selangor, where initial results saw the Pakatan candidates leading.

In many cases, the number of spoilt votes exceeded the majority, and the majority was less than 4 percent of the total number of votes, the latter of which would have required a recount although this was denied in Kuala Selangor.

Game of Statistics stripped

Barisan is now the federal government because it bagged 133 seats out of the 222 in total, giving it a majority of 22 seats.  However, a series of questions must be asked: Could the Barisan win at the federal level be attributed to the wins in these marginal seats, some of which had their results changed after the recounts?

If so, should the Election Commission not investigate the alleged fraud cases that could have affected the outcomes of the razor-thin wins of such seats, which in turn would have led to a very different result?

Finally, statistics are emerging that demonstrate the effects of malapportionment on the election results. Pakatan’s 89 seats had an average of 63,191 votes cast, compared with Barisan’s 133 seats which had an average of 39,381.

Simply put, Pakatan won in the seats with larger constituencies, while Barisan won in the smaller ones.  This explains the Barisan win, despite Pakatan having won the popular vote with 51.4 percent of the population’s support and Barisan with 48.6 percent.

Moving forward, both political coalitions – together with civil society – will have to reflect deeply upon what actions are needed to address these issues, as well as their mid to long-term implications.

Time to look at Naked Truth

There is an urgent need for Pakatan to craft messages that better target the low-income, rural and Malay voters, assuring them that their lifelines would not be cut off without Umno around.

Barisan has to take a good look at its coalition model, since its component parties MCA and Gerakan are effectively depleted. It will also have to examine the reasons for which urban, middle-class voters rejected their offerings so resoundingly.

In order for the alleged electoral fraud to be taken seriously, cases have to be systematically compiled and recorded.

BERSIH 2.0 has stated it would organise a People’s Tribunal to this end, while PKR has appointed newly elected Member of Parliament Rafizi Ramli for its compilation purposes. This will be in addition to the election petitions expected to be filed by Pakatan parties in 20 constituencies or so, in which the winning margin was less than 5 percent.

It is hoped that the lawsuits, which must be filed within 21 days after the results are gazetted, would be an effective recourse sought by Pakatan in seeking justice for what it considers an unfair elections.

Even if these efforts, accompanied by hard evidence, fail to ultimately impact upon the election results, they would still be crucial for the court of public opinion in the coming months, for historical record as well as valuable lessons learnt in order to better prepare for the 14th general election.

Why GE-13 should be toasted

Finally, it is clear that without genuine electoral reform, even an election which is the most fundamental form of democracy would not be conducted fairly, nor its citizens’ votes respected.

In a system where parliamentary seats are not fairly weighted nor apportioned, the party with minority support emerges the victor.  This is an unfortunate consequence of the way constituencies are demarcated at present, which can only be amended with a two-third majority support in Parliament.

Before political analysts deduce that this was an election that divided Malaysia racially, one must be cognisant that if not for these irregularities, a very different result would have emerged.

Coming to a conclusion based on the election results at merely face value would not be entirely accurate.  If anything, it must be pointed out that young urban-dwellers voted across ethnic lines for the opposition against a corrupt regime, a trend that will only continue given that urbanisation is expected to exceed 70 percent by 2020.

It is this that should instead be celebrated and not conveniently ignored, in the desperate need to explain the worst election performance in Barisan’s history as entirely due to the racial divide.

In the journey towards a more open, transparent and democratic Malaysia, the 13th general election has raised even more questions on electoral processes, which if not corrected, will have a permanent mark on all future elections.

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Ms Yeoh’s background

TRICIA YEOH is Research Director of Institut Rakyat, Parti KeADILan Rakyat. She previously served as Research aide to Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, Menteri Besar, Selangor Darul Ehsan.

The 2013 Election Results: Back to the Drawing Board for Both Coalitions

May 10, 2013

The 2013 Election Results: Back to the Drawing Board for both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat

by Dr. Lim Teck Ghee

Finally the general election is over. For politicians and analysts, the work of number crunching, deciphering the results and trying to understand the choices made by voters is just beginning.

Some conclusions are easy to arrive at. Firstly, despite a skewed electoral playing ground and the rolling out of more than RM2.6 billion worth of financial and other incentives to voters, the BN could not improve on its 2008 performance. Although it regained power in one state and has a comfortable majority at parliamentary level, its share of state and parliamentary seats has been substantially reduced. Had a fair election prevailed, it would have been consigned to the opposition benches. In fact BN lost the popular vote count by a substantial margin nation-wide. In most if not all electoral systems found in the world, it would have been booted out of office. In our case, it came dangerously close to it.

Barisan National: Still in Denial Mode

Najib blamed the Chinese tsunami for the BN’s lack luster performance. This was a knee jerk overreaction to the strong Chinese voter support given to the DAP and his disappointment with it. It can also be read as an attempt to tap into Malay public sympathy ahead of the backlash expected from UMNO conservative forces anticipated to come together to demand his resignation for failing to deliver the highly publicised target of a two thirds majority for UMNO and the BN.

Other commentators including UMNO ones have noted that the UMNO and BN results point to rejection not just from Chinese but also from large segments of other voters, including Malays.

Efforts had been made by Najib to woo just about every racial segment of the population. In particular the Malay dominated rural, civil service and police and military constituencies were targeted with perks and handouts timed for the election. For several months leading up to voting day, government and Malay media had also given prominence to Dr. Mahathir and other conservative Malay leaders playing up Malay and Muslim insecurities and emphasizing the importance of preserving Malay and Islamic dominance. Their objective was aimed clearly at bringing about the eclipse if not decimation of Dr. Mahathir’s nemesis, Anwar Ibrahim’s PKR and its multi-ethnic agenda of change, equality and reform.

That these failed to work was mainly due to demographic, occupation and spatial changes in the Malay population and widespread disapproval of the BN’s record of corruption, cronyism, and bad governance. Attempts to stampede the majority Malays into rejecting the opposition through raising racial and religious sentiments were only partially successful with young, better educated and urbanized Malays joining their non-Malay counterparts in opting for change – even if it was for a relatively untried, little tested and potentially unstable new coalition.

It is telling that despite a massive media campaign touting the stability of the BN and demonizing the divisions of the opposition, the electorate in the urbanized states of Selangor, Penang and other urban areas preferred to vote for the deep blue sea rather than the familiar.

In the end, the tsunami was not a Chinese one but a Malaysian urban and middle class one with voters who were better informed considerably less influenced by the government and BN friendly mass media and less susceptible to subtle threats and not so subtle incentives, and opting to cast their vote against the BN.

Pakatan’s Dilemma

For the Opposition, although they had their best result ever in winning the overall popular vote both at federal and state level and in making some inroads into formerly unassailable Barisan strongholds, Putrajaya was too far a reach this time.

Predictably, and with justification, PR has blamed electoral fraud and irregularities as the main reason for their failure to win power. Anwar Ibrahim, the PR leader has refused to accept the election results especially in closely contested constituencies and announced that a special investigative team from the three opposition parties will work with electoral reform group Bersih to gather information and proof that the election was neither free nor fair.

Even if proof of election fraud and irregularities is produced, there is no way the opposition or any other force can persuade the Election Commission to overturn the outcome of the election or order new elections. PR needs to reconcile itself to the fact that it went into the elections knowing and accepting of the obstacles the ruling party would deploy to stymie the opposition including possibly seeking to deny the handing over of power even if it was won fairly and squarely by the PR.

For PR to keep complaining about the way the election was stolen provides BN the justification to label them losers intent on inciting an Arab style spring mass revolt and bent on seizing power illegally. Better for them to take the high ground by accepting the outcome; and leave civil society groups to raise doubts about the legitimacy of the election results and to provide the evidence that can help pave the way to genuinely free and fair elections the next time round.

While the excoriation of the Electoral Commission and BN will not get the PR far in reversing the election results, critical analysis of their own shortcomings that have prevented Pakatan from securing a greater measure of popular support will be more useful in helping the opposition establish a basis for an overwhelming victory five years from now. The concern that the PR offers a potentially fragile replacement government and is badly divided on the key issue of Islam’s role in the country’s socio-political system remains in many minds – even amongst staunch PR supporters – and needs to be addressed sooner rather than later.

The three parties comprising PR will also need to demonstrate that they have an inclusive political vision which can garner a larger measure of political support from Sabah and Sarawak’s natives. An important reason why BN has retained power has been the failure of the Peninsula tsunami to be replicated in East Malaysia in 2008 and now again in 2013.

Malaysia’s Growing Political Maturity

What should both sides –BN and PR – take away from the elections? Firstly, the limited success of the vote buying and racial chauvinism inciting campaign should lead both coalitions to rethink their post election strategies and policies. The present and next generation of voters will be even more predominantly urban dwellers, better educated and politically informed. They will be less easily fooled by political rhetoric or bought over by handouts and promises of rewards – the latter is already viewed by many as akin to bribes which have an effect opposite to that intended.

Besides desiring fair and good governance, Malaysians crave for moderate and accommodative policies and will reject politicians and parties espousing racial and religious extremism. The clock may have been turned back by the irresponsible post election race baiting engaged in by Utusan Malaysia and Dr. Mahathir. But it cannot be turned back on the country’s growing political maturity and the changes for the better that this will bring.

Antara Orang Tua dan Anak Muda

May 9, 2013

Kata orang tua…

Kamu orang muda, tak pandai bersyukur. Kamu lahir dalam kesenangan. Nikmat dari titik peluh kami dahulu. Kami melawan penjajah untuk merdeka.

Berperang dengan Jepun untuk pertahan tanah air. Berperang dengan Cina pada 13 Mei untuk pertahankan Raja Melayu.

Pertahankan hak bumiputera. Sanggupkah kamu serahkan negara ini kepada pendatang Cina?

Anak muda jawap…

Kalian orang tua sudah selesa. Kalian sudah ada sebidang tanah. Kalian sudah ada sebuah rumah. Kalian sudah ada kerja, gaji dan pencen. Dahulu, kalian mengaji percuma. Kami, belum habis mengaji sudah berhutang. Habis belajar, belum tentu ada kerja. Kalau bekerja, belum tentu boleh miliki kereta, rumah, dan tanah. Mahu makan sekali sehari pun susah.

Ya, benar. Jepun sudah pulang. Inggeris sudah berundur. Namun kami dijajah oleh bangsa sendiri. Melayu korup dan khianat. Membiar bangsa sendiri hidup melarat. Dahulu, meski dijajah, kamu masih boleh memiliki rumah sendiri. Kini, meski merdeka, kami hanya mampu menyewa.

Dahulu, demi mempertahankan tanah air, kita menghalau Joseph, Donald, Mizuno, Kozumi. Kini kita hanya berdiam diri ketika tanah kita dirampas oleh Mahmud, Muhammad dan Abdullah.

Kamu pinta kami berwaspada dengan Cina dan India? Tapi kamu import Indon, Myanmar dan Bangla? Kamu minta kami waspada dengan Cina, tapi mereka lebih prihatin tentang nasib kami berbanding Melayu, bangsa sendiri. Kamu minta kami berwaspada dengan Cina, tapi Melayu itu yang merompak tanah kita. Kamu pinta kami waspada dengan Cina, tapi Melayu itu yang berdusta.

Saya masih ingat. Ketika anak Melayu bawah umur dirogol oleh pembesar Melayu, Cina yang dikutuk hari ini bangkit membela. Beliau (LGE) akhirnya dihukum penjara.

Kamu kata, Cina mahu hancurkan kita. Tapi yang dibina Melayu, roboh dan runtuh belaka. Kamu kata, Cina mahu kita binasa, tapi Melayulah yang merompak harta negara, merampas Royalti dari negeri yang mempunyai penduduk Melayu paling ramai.

Kamu kata, DAP benci Islam, tapi peruntukkan Islam dilipatganda berjuta-juta. Kamu dakwa UMNO bela Islam, tapi roboh masjid, tutup sekolah agama, sekat dakwah, batal biasiswa agama.

Kamu kata DAP rasis, ultra cina dan benci Islam, tapi Zairil Khir itu Melayu, Islam dan anak pemimpin UMNO. Lalu kami tanya, mana calon Cina dari UMNO? Mana calon Melayu dari MCA?

Kamu kata, Cina itu musuh kita. Saya tanya, jiran rumah kita siapa? Bermusuh dengan jiran bukan ajaran agama.

Kamu kata, mesti bantu Melayu kerana Cina semuanya kaya. Kami tanya, Ah Chong, penjaja sayur yang mengayuh basikal itu berbangsa apa?

Kamu kata, berpakat dengan Cina DAP haram. Kami tanya, MCA dan Chua Soi Lek itu Melayu?

Bila kami hormati Cina, kamu kata kami lupa asal usul. Yang kami ingat, kami berasal dari negara Malaysia yang berbilang bangsa, Cina, India Kadazan, Murut dan sebagainya.

Kamu kata, hanya BN yang boleh memerintah. Kami kata, Penang lebih cemerlang di bawah DAP, Selangor lebih maju di bawah PKR.

Malaysia apa yang kamu gambarkan kepada kami?Kami inginkan Malaysia yang lebih damai. Warganya aman tanpa mengira bangsa dan keturunan. Kami tidak perlu memaki dan mengutuk Cina untuk membela Melayu. Kami anak Malaysia!

Semoga rakan-rakan Cina dan India saya tabah dalam menghadapi segelintir ultra Melayu yang nakal.

Mohd Ihsan Fadhli Che Min
Warganegara Islam (May 7, 2013)

https://www.facebook.com/hasanhusaini/posts/655020974514792

Anwar Ibrahim: The Triumph of Persistence and Resilience

May 9, 2013

by RK Anand(05-08-13)
http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com

Anwar Ibrahim has now accomplished so much more than what he could have as just another UMNO President and default Prime Minister. He would have just been another photograph on the PWTC wall.

Fifteen years ago, Anwar Ibrahim came within a few feet of becoming the Prime Minister. Then it all fell apart. But unlike others who had their political ambitions decimated by Dr Mahathir Mohamad, this man refused to fade.

He has now accomplished so much more than what he could have as just another UMNO President and default Prime Minister. He would have just been another photograph on the PWTC wall.

What unravelled in 1998 was a bane for him but a boon for Malaysia.It is because of Anwar, the fortress called Barisan Nasional suffered its biggest crack and it was he who showed Malaysians that change was possible.

When he formed PKR from behind prison walls, he started the ball rolling for a true multi-racial political platform.While UMNO still struggles to court PAS, Anwar managed to convince the Islamic party and secular DAP to sit at the same table to form Pakatan Rakyat.

The emergence of a powerful opposition also amplified the voice of the civil society, which began to play a more instrumental role in checking the powers-that-be and exposing wrongdoings.

And the 13th general election showed that the majority of voters had cast their ballots in favour of Pakatan to govern this nation and for Anwar to become Prime Minister.

Whereas Najib Tun Razak had assumed the post not because of popular support but rather due to the first-past-the-post system.In their hearts, BN leaders know that the coalition had lost the polls.

And one wonders if not for their choke-hold on the media, police, Election Commission, what would have been the real percentage of support? Not to mention if the allegations of a tainted electoral roll, vote-buying and foreigners casting their ballots hold water as well.

So Anwar failed to capture Putrajaya but he managed to secure something more significant, the people’s mandate to become prime minister. If this was the presidential elections, Najib would have been vanquished.

The powers-that-be threw everything at him except the kitchen sink but he conquered the odds. A lesser man would have relented.

And the wave of change which Anwar started had grown larger than him and Malaysians must thank him for providing us with an alternative.

A bitter pill for Mahathir

The election result had been a bitter pill for Mahathir to swallow because it was also a rejection of his legacy. And as expected the octogenarian spewed an endless stream of gibberish.

First, he accused Chinese voters of not accepting the Malay hand of friendship, which was another glaring example of the delusion which UMNO suffers from, thinking that it represents all Malays.

The fact is, Chinese voters rejected the courtship of UMN, preferring to embrace PAS and the Malays in DAP and PKR instead, who unlike Mahathir, never questioned their citizenship.

The Malays in PAS, PKR and DAP are not the patrons of movements that call for the torching of Bibles and Pakatan did not field a candidate who labelled them as illegal immigrants.The Malays in Pakatan do not run a newspaper that constantly stokes racial and religious tension.

In actual fact, the so-called “Chinese tsunami” was an urban wave that witnessed voters of all races rejecting BN in the polls. Number crunching would show that a significant number of Malays also voted for the Opposition.

Mahathir described the Malays who voted for DAP as the “educated and sophisticated” ones. Going by his logic, one must ask what kind of people voted for UMNO, BN as well as for his son then?

Mahathir also remarked that he never expected Najib to perform even worse than Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, completely ignoring his role in both the 2008 and 2013 election debacles for BN. The former Premier could be considered as one of the coalition’s greatest liabilities. His so-called project IC was the main reason that Sabahans are fuming today. Yet he escapes retribution.

Mahathir’s successors are struggling to contain the damage done during his 22-year reign and he has the audacity to question their leadership capabilities.The more this man speaks, the more it becomes evident that his century-old mind is a stumbling block and threat to this nation.

The former UMNO President also predicted that Najib would face internal resistance in UMNO, and similar signs are emerging in MCA and MIC as well.But changing the leadership is not going to make a difference. The people voted for change!

So the end is near. Goodnight BN.

Tok Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat–An Iconic Leader

Anwar Ibrahim–A Symbol of Liberty and Freedom