The Californization of America


June 4, 2018

SOQUEL, Calif. — Across the country, Democrats are winning primaries by promoting policies like universal health insurance and guaranteed income — ideas once laughed off as things that work only on the “Left Coast.”

At the same time, national politicians from both sides are finally putting front and center issues that California has been grappling with for years: immigration, clean energy, police reform, suburban sprawl. And the state is home to a crop of politicians to watch, from Kevin McCarthy on the right to Gavin Newsom and Kamala Harris on the left, part of a wave that is likely to dominate American politics for the next generation.

California, which holds its primaries on Tuesday, has long set the national agenda on the economy, culture and technology. So maybe it was just a matter of time before it got back to driving the political agenda, as it did when Ronald Reagan launched his political career in the 1960s. But other things are happening as well. The state is a hub for immigrants, a testing site for solutions to environmental crises and a front line in America’s competition with China. On all sorts of big issues that matter now and will in the future, California is already in the game.

In a way, California even gave us Donald Trump. So much of his “training” to be president came while he was an entertainment celebrity, on a show that, for a stretch of its existence, was produced in Los Angeles. And of course the means of his ascent — the smartphone, social media — came out of Silicon Valley. That’s a lot to have on a state’s conscience.

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Governor Jerry Brown of California

California is a deep-blue state — only 26 percent of its residents approve of Mr. Trump, and Democrats dominate the Legislature, statewide offices and most large city governments. But the state’s leaders are also aware that setting the political agenda for the country means making a stark break with naked partisanship. Getting that right will determine whether California, in its newly dominant role, perpetuates the political divide or moves America past it.

For decades, California, even as it grew in size and wealth, was seen as an outlier, unintimidating, superficial and flaky. We were no threat. We were surfer dudes and California girls who got high and turned on, tuned in and dropped out. We spawned Apple and Google, but we also spawned hippies and Hollywood. For a time, our governor was nicknamed Moonbeam.

As recently as the 2000s, with California at the center of the subprime-mortgage crisis, it was fair to wonder whether we had a future; a popular parlor game was to imagine how the state might be divided up into more manageable statelets.That was the old California.

The new California, back from years of financial trouble, has the fifth-largest economy in the world, ahead of Britain and France. Since 2010, California has accounted for an incredible one-fifth of America’s economic growth. Silicon Valley is the default center of the world, home to three of the 10 largest companies in the world by market capitalization.

California’s raw economic power is old news. What’s different, just in the past few years, is the combination of its money, population and politics. In the Trump era, the state is reinventing itself as the moral and cultural center of a new America.

Jerry Brown — Governor Moonbeam — is back, and during his second stint in office has been a pragmatic, results-focused technocrat who will leave behind a multibillion-dollar budget surplus when his term ends in January. But he has also been a smart and dogged opponent of the Trump agenda, from his high-profile visits to climate-change negotiations in Europe to substantive talks in Beijing with President Xi Jinping.

California is hardly monolithic. The region around Bakersfield provides the power base for Mr. McCarthy, the House majority leader and an indefatigable defender of President Trump, who calls him “my Kevin.” Other sizable pockets of Trump supporters live along the inland spine of the state, especially in the north near the Oregon border.

Still, there’s no doubt California runs blue — so blue, people say, that its anti-Trump stance is inevitable. But that’s not right; in fact, California defies Mr. Trump — and is turning even more Democratic — not for partisan reasons but because his rhetoric and actions are at odds with contemporary American values on issue after issue, as people here see it, and because he seems intent on ignoring the nation’s present and future in favor of pushing back the clock.

California doesn’t just oppose Mr. Trump; it offers a better alternative to the America he promises. While Mr. Trump makes hollow promises to states ravaged by the decline of the coal industry, California has been a leader in creating new jobs through renewable energy.

While Mr. Trump plays the racism card, California pulls in immigrants from all over the world. For California, immigration is not an issue to be exploited to inflame hate and assuage the economic insecurities of those who feel displaced by the 21st-century economy, it’s what keeps the state economy churning.

For us, immigration is not a “Latino” issue. The state’s white population arrived so recently that all of us retain a sense of our immigrant status. My great-great-grandfather Gerhard Kettmann left Germany in 1849 and made his way to California during the Gold Rush. That’s why everyone is able to unite, even in our diversity.

And the draw of California is more powerful than ever. People come not only from countries around the globe to work in Silicon Valley — more than seven in 10 of those employed in tech jobs in San Jose were born outside the United States, according to census data analyzed by The Seattle Times — they come from all over the country.

It seems as if every other idealistic young person who worked in the Obama White House or on the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign later moved to California. All these new arrivals create major problems, from housing shortages to insane Los Angeles-style traffic in Silicon Valley. They also create a critical mass of innovation.

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Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom

 

Many Californians see the next decade as a pivot point, when decisions about the environment and the economy will shape America’s future for generations to come. “It’s ‘Mad Max’ or ‘Star Trek,’” said Gavin Newsom, the lieutenant governor and leading candidate to succeed Governor Brown. It’s no mystery which movie he thinks Mr. Trump is directing.

Nationally, Mr. Newsom is known mostly as a cultural pioneer, having allowed same-sex marriage as the mayor of San Francisco in 2004 — among the first big-city mayors to do so. But he sees himself in more pragmatic terms, more like a latter-day Robert Kennedy, a believer in the idea that government can do more for the people if it’s smarter about trying new ideas and updating old assumptions.

Mr. Newsom doesn’t mind making bold claims, and he and his main Democratic challenger, the former Los Angeles mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, are both vowing to build 500,000 homes in California every year for seven years. He also wants to provide single-payer health care to everyone in the state and commit the state to 100 percent renewable energy for its electricity needs. Sure, these are campaign promises — but in California, they suddenly seem like practical, feasible ideas.

California for years was divided between its main population centers. Northern California, birthplace of Berkeley’s Free Speech Movement in 1964 and the Summer of Love in San Francisco later that decade, was often at odds with large sections of Southern California, particularly Orange County, a bastion of suburban Republicans.

That divide is eroding. Orange County even went for Hillary Clinton in 2016. California remains diverse culturally, but politically, it is increasingly unified. That can be a potent engine for social and economic progress; it can also be an excuse for insularity and political grandstanding.

The key, many of the state’s politicians say, is to promote the former without falling into the trap of the latter — no easy task at a time when many Californians see their state as the base of the anti-Trump resistance.

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Vivek Viswanathan running for state treasurer of California

Take Vivek Viswanathan. Raised on Long Island by parents who immigrated from India, he did policy work for the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign and Governor Brown and is now running for state treasurer.

It would be easy for him to run far to the left, mixing anti-Trump rhetoric with unrealistic policy promises. Instead, he wants America to see a different California — a state that mixes pragmatism and progressivism.

“I’m one of those people that think the threats that we face from Washington are very real, and not just to the resources we need, but the values that make us who we are,” he said. “California is really a model for what the country can be if we make the right choices.”

The first test of a unified California’s newfound political heft could come this fall. Democrats need to pick up 24 seats in the House of Representatives to win control of it, and they have their eye on seven California districts carried by Mrs. Clinton in 2016 that have Republican incumbents, including four that are wholly or in part in Orange County.

Further north, in the Central Valley, a deputy district attorney for Fresno County named Andrew Janz is running a surprisingly competitive race against Devin Nunes, the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee. Mr. Nunes has used his position to defend the president, while providing little congressional oversight — something that doesn’t sit well with even moderate California Republicans.

“The momentum is definitely on our side,” Mr. Janz told me. “My opponent is more concerned about blaming Democrats than getting the job done. The people here honestly want Nunes to focus less on creating these fake controversies and more on doing the work that’s required to move us along into the 21st century here in the Central Valley.”

Again and again, this is the message coming from the state’s rising politicians — anger with the president and his allies not out of an ideological commitment, but because the president seems more interested in personal gain than national progress.

The more visionary among California’s leaders, including Mr. Newsom, recognize that their state has the highest poverty rate in the country, by some measures, and that addressing the problem — through affordable housing, job programs and early education — has to be a priority. To the extent these are national problems, too, other states may soon be looking to Sacramento, not Washington, for leadership.

It’s also a given that one or more Californians could figure prominently in the 2020 presidential race, including Ms. Harris, a first-term senator who has gained a reputation for her withering examinations of the president’s cabinet nominees. Mr. Newsom, particularly if he wins the governor’s race this year by a convincing margin, could also make the jump to the national stage, following Ronald Reagan and Jerry Brown.

Image result for Tom Steyer.

Billionaire Tom Steyer is the “Impeachment Guy” who has spent millions of dollars on television ads in which he speaks to the camera directly and makes a case for the urgent need to impeach President Trump.

To see how different the stereotype of California is from the reality, consider another of the state’s rising political figures, the billionaire Tom Steyer.

To most people in Washington or New York, Mr. Steyer is the “Impeachment Guy” who has spent millions of dollars on television ads in which he speaks to the camera directly and makes a case for the urgent need to impeach President Trump. Impeachment is a widely popular idea among Democrats, but political realists say it’s unlikely to happen absent a Democratic surge in the midterm elections — in other words, that’s California for you.

But at home, Mr. Steyer is anything but a dreamer. His organization NextGen America focuses on developing solutions to climate change and economic inequality, issues that resonate here, especially among the young. The goal is to show the way not through talk, not through TV ads, but through action.

“I think California has this great advantage, which is we have a functioning democracy,” Mr. Steyer said in a recent interview. “With all our problems — and we have a lot of them, the biggest one being economic inequality — we have a spirit in business and in politics that says, sure, there are big problems, but we can address them. That spirit is a great advantage and it’s not true in Washington, D.C., right now.”

Steyer’s bet — and that of millions of others in my state — is that soon, California will pick up the slack.

Steve Kettmann, a columnist for The Santa Cruz Sentinel, is a co-director of the Wellstone Center in the Redwoods.

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A version of this article appears in print on , on Page SR1 of the New York edition with the headline: The Californization Of American Politics. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper

Mahathir 2.0 Government stands firm on Tommy Thomas as Attorney-General of Malaysia


June 4, 2018

Mahathir 2.0 Government stands firm on Tommy Thomas as Attorney-General of Malaysia

https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2018/06/03/dr-m-on-tommy-thomas-impasse-we-are-holding-on-to-our-principles/

Image result for Malaysia's Yoda Dr. Mahathir

Malaysia’s 7th Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Dr. Wan Azizah Ismail

Tommy Thomas’ support for a secular state is not amongst the reasons why his candidacy for Attorney General was rejected by the King, said Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir.

Several other reasons for the impasse have been touted, amongst them  allegations that since Thomas has represented Finance Minister Lim Guan Eng in his corruption cases, he would not be an impartial A-G.

“Lim Guan Eng is in the government and Finance Minister, there is no reason for Thomas to be Lim’s friend,” Dr Mahathir told the press after a state Pakatan Harapan meeting in Kedah on Sunday (June 3).

He said Thomas was Lim’s lawyer, but said at the same time Thomas has also represented Barisan Nasional leaders. “Yes, he is a lawyer for everybody even for Barisan Nasional, and is just making an income,” Mahathir said.

On whether Putrajaya will propose a new candidate if the King rejects Thomas’ candidacy, Dr Mahathir said they will follow the law.

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Tommy Thomas is eminently qualified to be Malaysia’s Attorney-General

“We do matters according to the laws and the Federal Constitution, but the King is acting on advice of the government,” he said.”We are holding on to our principles,” he added.

Article 145 (1) of the Federal Constitution states that “The Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall, on the advice of the Prime Minister, appoint a person who is qualified to be a judge of the Federal Court to be the Attorney-General for the Federation”.

With Anwar pardoned, Dr M must now clear my name, says Munawar Anees


June 3, 2018

With Anwar pardoned, Dr M must now clear my name

by Munawar A Anees

http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com

OPEN LETTER:

Dear Dr Mahathir Mohamad, congratulations on being elected Prime Minister of Malaysia. I was glad to see that the elections were fair. I hope this heralds the dawn of democracy in Malaysia, the country that has seen my daughter and son grow up.

I welcome your initiative to request a pardon for PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim. It indicated that you recognised the errors of the past and sought to correct them.

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If Malaysia is truly taking a step towards meaningful democracy, then the country must reckon with all its past wrongs. Democracy built on the tortured bodies of the innocent – including mine – is no democracy at all. I am writing to ask that you give me and my family what we are owed: justice.

It has been 20 years since Malaysian Police threw me in jail on trumped-up charges merely because I was associated with Anwar. I had committed no crime, yet the Police came to my home and took me away. When my children came back from school that day, their father was gone. Their mother was left alone to explain to them what had happened.

At the time, the aim was to tarnish Anwar politically. He was also arrested around the same time and thrown in jail.

The Police went about trying to wrongfully implicate me in crimes with Anwar. At first, I refuted the allegations and strongly resisted any suggestion to implicate me in any offences. That is when the torture started.

The Police subjected me to all manner of abuse: beatings, being doused in freezing water, depriving me of sleep and food. The torture had such a serious effect on me that I suffered a heart problem and had to be taken to the hospital. It was there that, for the first time, I was allowed to see my family.

After weeks in torturous custody, I relented. I told my torturers – your Police officers – what they wanted to hear. None of it was true. All of it was said to make the torture stop. When I was presented before court I repeated what I had said to the Police, fearful that to say otherwise would mean being tortured again.

Grim details of my torturous detention under the Internal Security Act may be found in my statutory declaration of November 7, 1998.

Once I was released – thanks to the efforts of my lawyers, my wife and my friends – I appealed my conviction. Unfortunately, Malaysia’s courts – unaware or dismissive of the fact that you cannot convict anyone on the basis of information obtained through torture – upheld my wrongful conviction.

The abuse these thugs meted out on me had long-lasting repercussions. My family and I were forced to flee the home we had made in Malaysia, fearful of the reprisals against us, our spirit shattered. We were destitute. I was unable to rebuild my life because of the psychological scars and the unjust criminal conviction hanging over me.

You and Anwar Ibrahim seem to have turned a page. That is commendable. But where is the justice me and my family deserve?

I am an innocent man used as a pawn in a political game – one that seems to now have come full circle. The scales of justice must finally come even. With Anwar’s name and honour cleared through this pardon, I too must have this unjust criminal record against me expunged.

I, therefore, ask you – as head of state – to ensure that I am granted a full pardon that will clear my name and this shadow that hangs over me. I cannot forget what Malaysian police thugs had done to me.


MUNAWAR A ANEES was Anwar Ibrahim’s former speech-writer, who served six months in prison in 1998 over a sodomy conviction he had subsequently tried to challenged in court.

Can Malaysia’s Mahathir 2.0 Government deliver?


June 3, 2018

Can Malaysia’s Mahathir 2.0 Government deliver?

Jayant Menon, ADB and ANU

http://www.eastasiaforum.org
Image result for Malaysia's 92 year old Prime Minister

The world has seen a number of unexpected electoral outcomes lately, the most widely reported being Brexit in Europe and the election of President Donald Trump in the United States. But the ouster of the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition government in Malaysia was not only unexpected; it was amazing. Even the winners could hardly believe that they had won, while the losers took an ungraciously long time to accept defeat. With probably the worst gerrymander in history, the incumbents technically required only 16.5 per cent of the vote to win, but still lost.

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“Financial corruption and the corruption of Malaysia’s institutions such as the Judiciary, the Police, the press and even the Anti-Corruption Agency must be addressed. Financial and institutional corruption feed off each other. Recognising the enormity of the task, the newly elected government has created the Committee on Institutional Reforms, while the Council of Eminent Persons will focus on economic issues. Malaysia’s new leaders understand that institutional reform must accompany economic reform to deliver systemic change, even if vested interest and inertia must first be overcome.”–Jayant Menon

The new Pakatan Harapan coalition government faces many challenges, but arguably the biggest is actually governing as a coalition. None of the constituent parties have ever been part of federal government, although various members have, not least the returned Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. Some have formed state governments before but that’s not quite the same thing.

Holding a coalition together takes more than experience in government. This is especially true when the defining motivation for their coexistence as a coalition is convenience. Their main bond is that they opposed BN for various reasons, which brought them together to contest the 2018 elections.

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Although Pakatan Harapan has been through a few permutations, itself a reflection of the difficulties of staying intact, the current coalition (formed on 22 September 2015) consists of the Democratic Action PartyPeople’s Justice PartyNational Trust Party and Malaysian United Indigenous Party. The diversity across these parties is vast and multi-dimensional, and could pose problems going forward. Who will anchor the coalition, and how will the others react? How will differences across party platforms be resolved when it comes to policy making?

There are no clear cut answers to these questions but the difficulties that can arise are exemplified by the current problems faced by the National Unity government in Sri Lanka, which came into power in 2015 in an almost equally unexpected way. It is another coalition of convenience ‘introduced as an alternative to a corrupt, authoritarian and nationalist regime’, a description that could equally apply in Malaysia. But despite its promise, the coalition has faltered and a return of the previous government now looks likely.

The situation in Sri Lanka is not an isolated case. The Arab Spring toppled many dictatorial regimes in the Middle East, and the political void it left behind was in some cases filled by coalition governments, of which the constituent parties often made for strange bedfellows. The difficulties that these coalition governments have faced are well known and continue today.

The astonishing political change in these countries, as in Malaysia, occurred in the face of mounting  economic and social problems. Youth unemployment in Malaysia is three times the average at more than 10 per cent, while 25 per cent of university graduates remain unemployed 6 months after graduating despite employers complaining about difficulties sourcing talent. This points to a skills mismatch that has its roots in a deteriorating education system that is underfunded and wrought with distortions. Malaysia has long been a net exporter of skills despite being a net importer of labour.

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Malaysia has also been a net exporter of capital since 2005, with mixed results on investment on both the domestic and foreign fronts. It will need to stem capital flight and revive both domestic and foreign investment if it is to generate the kind of growth that creates good jobs for younger generations.

Although official statistics point to falling income inequality, the level overall and levels within Malaysia’s different communities remain high. Other indicators also point to rising wage and wealth inequality, as well as rising social marginalisation and exclusion. Unless these disparities are addressed, social and political stability will be at risk.

Financial corruption and the corruption of Malaysia’s institutions such as the Judiciary, the Police, the press and even the Anti-Corruption Agency must be addressed. Financial and institutional corruption feed off each other. Recognising the enormity of the task, the newly elected government has created the Committee on Institutional Reforms, while the Council of Eminent Persons will focus on economic issues. Malaysia’s new leaders understand that institutional reform must accompany economic reform to deliver systemic change, even if vested interest and inertia must first be overcome.

These challenges can be met if the coalition works together as an effective government. The magnitude of the challenges will require wide-ranging reforms, and this will test the integrity of a loosely bound coalition. Implementation of such policies will require support from the bureaucracy, which is not only politicised but has only known one master for 61 years.

But if strong and persuasive leadership will allow Pakatan Harapan to withstand this test and deliver, the prize will be great. The nexus between race, religion and politics may have finally be broken, and meritocracy could return in place of money politics and patronage.

Although the change in government in Malaysia was a truly remarkable event, it marks the start, not the end, of a journey towards a new beginning. Once the euphoria fades, the new government will be judged not by how much better it may be compared to its predecessor, but by how far it gets in meeting the heightened expectations of the people who put them in power. It is only when these expectations are met that a new future will truly be possible for Malaysia.

Jayant Menon is Lead Economist in the Economic Research and Regional Cooperation Department at the Asian Development Bank, and Adjunct Fellow at the Arndt-Corden Department of Economics at the Australian National University.

Questions Over Najib’s US Lawyers


June 3, 2018

Questions Over Najib’s US Lawyers

by Sarawak Report

Image result for Najib Razak and the 1mdb gang

http://www.sarawakreport.org/talkback/questions-over-najibs-lawyer/

EMBATTLED Najib Razak has engaged the services of a team of top US lawyers, including former attorney-general John Ashcroft and star litigator David Boies, in a clear sign of concern that the widening global probe into 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) could snare him and his family members.

The United States Department of Justice (DOJ) has been investigating the alleged siphoning of funds from the state-owned entity for several years and even tagged Najib as Malaysian Official 1, but he had enjoyed immunity from criminal charges as the prime minister of Malaysia.

So, even though the DOJ probe stirred occasionally and captured the headlines, he was largely nonchalant about the US probe and even made a widely-publicised trip to the White House last September.

Things have changed drastically since May 9…..

Sources told The Malaysian Insight that also part of the high-powered legal team is Matthew Schwartz. He spent a decade as a prosecutor in New York and handled several high-profile cases including the investigation of ponzi king Bernie Madoff.

Our comment

Sarawak Report would humbly like to suggest that there are questions to be raised about Najib Razak’s choice of hot shot American lawyers to fight his cause.

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Doubtless, Sarawak Report has to tread carefully to avoid expensive arguments about what one is and is not allowed to say about practitioners of the law, some of whom appear to think they are themselves exempted, by virtue of occupation.

However, the possibility of conflict of interest in the case of ‘star litigator David Boies’ appears to loom.  After all, Mr Boies was an active participant in an investment company named Panavista, which was funded by Riza Aziz and managed by Riza’s personal ‘wealth manager’ Debra Whelan.

Riza Aziz, who is Najib’s step-son, gained most of his income from 1MDB, according to the investigations.

One of the lawyers in the partnership headed by Boies was also none other than “high powered” Matthew Schwartz, who has been the main lawyer for much of Riza Aziz’s recent defence work and who personally attended global meetings about projected multi-million dollar investments by Panavista.

The overwhelming likelihood, therefore, is that Mr Boies and Mr Schwartz have themselved profitted from the ill-gotten money, which might be seen to complicate their defence of the man behind the conspiracy, namely Najib.

Inclusive Politics is Malaysia’s Future


June 3, 2018

Inclusive Politics is Malaysia’s Future

By K Haridas

http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com

Image result for Gandhi on Power and Greed

There are many opinions about the role that Dr Mahathir Mohamad played in winning the 14th general election. Yes, it is true that he played a part, but not an exclusive one. He came in towards the latter part of the struggle, and while we acknowledge his role, we must never miss out on the many others who for years (since 1998) have been challenging the establishment and creating an alternative to Barisan Nasional (BN). This struggle cannot be seen in the context of just one general election.

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Deputy Prime Minister Dr. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and The Iconic Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, 4th and 7th Prime Minister of Malaysia

BN lost the popular vote in the 13th General Election but never reflected or learnt any lessons. The arrogance and blindness as well as political skulduggery of its members were astonishing. Cash was king, and with gerrymandering and constituency delineations to their benefit, they felt they could do as usual.

Perhaps more than anyone else, the one person who contributed the most to the opposition’s victory was none other than Najib Razak and his excesses.

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The entire opposition played a significant role. Leaders in PKR and DAP must be credited for their persistence, perseverance and vigour in taking on issues left by Najib. They fought in Parliament, had issues in court, and went to the people. Neither should we forget the relentless work of Rafizi Ramli and his Invoke team. I can appreciate their feelings when undue importance is placed on Mahathir’s contributions.

Invoke was on the ground for several months, doing the needed legwork, raising money, and educating the public. Rafizi put down a sizeable amount of his own cash, crowd funded, and led a team on the ground. If you have done this, then speak; otherwise let us be wise when we take issue with him. It is easy to comment without commitment.

While we respect Mahathir and his leadership, the fact is that PPBM only managed to secure 12 out of the 52 parliamentary seats and 22 out of the 102 state seats that it contested. If Mahathir was such an icon, PPBM should have done better. Further, the party is only open to Bumiputeras. There is no future for such exclusive parties, and it is amazing that Mahathir leads such a party and Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman with all his intelligence succumbs to it. They are just UMNO 2.0. Mahathir himself needs a mindset change.

We must also thank unsung heroes like Zahid Hamidi, Ahmad Mazlan, Nazri Aziz, Rahman Dahlan and Salleh Keruak. Their remarks and the intelligence they exhibited over the years made many lose confidence in BN. They should each be awarded the erstwhile “broom award” that a former Selangor government used to hand out.

Destiny has its way of working into the issues of the day. The fact that PPBM was deregistered led to the idea of the opposition standing under one logo. The willingness of DAP to forgo its rocket emblem and PPBM to stand under the PKR logo for the larger good were strategic moves. The timing was also significant in that Najib waited and procrastinated until the very end to call the election. Mahathir came in and provided some leadership.

Najib’s leadership qualities were tested over the last nine years and many times, he failed badly in holding the nation to one direction. His divide-and-rule approach, playing the Islamic card when it benefited him, using money in shameful ways, all eventually caught up with him. It is amazing that he lost the UMNO bastions of Johor, Kedah, Perak, Negeri Sembilan and Melaka. It would be unrealistic to deny that there was a tsunami.

With the many good examples of affirmative leadership within the opposition and a cause that was built over the years, culminating with the 1MDB scandal, one can conclude that this election was Najib’s to lose.

However, many also speculated that he would win. Journalists like Manjit Bhatia and even Bloomberg, as well other international media were seen as being on Najib’s side. Yet, the many who had worked relentlessly held on, and the momentum carried them through. East Malaysia responded by breaking BN’s fixed deposits and voting for the opposition. Its people can no longer be taken for granted.

In the end, it was a Malaysian victory and credit must eventually go to the Malaysian voters. Now that we have achieved what many felt was impossible, it is important to focus on what is ahead. Power has the uncanny ability to divide individuals when the focus is lost. It is therefore very important for those in power to ensure that in the first two years of their rule, key issues in their manifesto are met.

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Power corrupts, absolute power corrupt absolutely. Najib was consumed by power and greed. He was an exponent of “Politics without Principles (Mahatma Gandhi)”. He must now full account for his misdeeds.

Power also distorts character because suddenly a lot of adoration, new friends, and temptations invade the minds and lives of those in authority. All the trappings of power require a newfound sense of humility, grace and a capacity to manage oneself. Otherwise, arrogance and pride soon take over and the ego ensures that issues that were previously not of concern become sensitive matters.

All the trappings of power require a newfound sense of humility, grace and a capacity to manage oneself. Otherwise, arrogance and pride soon take over and the ego ensures that issues that were previously not of concern become sensitive matters.

Imagine what this does to Najib and his legacy. For a man who has been in power in one way or another for over four decades, the rot does set in. A sense of invincibility, a belief that you are God’s chosen person for the job, and that cash is king and everyone has a price. This has worked before; why not again? All his sidekicks and the people around him just sang the same song, and soon many were out of touch with reality. Nearly all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a man’s character, give him power, says Abraham Lincoln.

Money, power, women and the fast lane provide the track, and soon one becomes numb to the realities around. It is only when you have lost power that sobriety returns. That is why a term of not more than 10 years is a much-needed period before one becomes susceptible to the ways of power to corrupt and rust one’s character. The Putins and Xis of life can extend the period of their terms in office, but soon realise that more power and autocratic rule is needed to sustain themselves in their positions.

Those who have lost power will do their utmost to divide those in power. It is therefore important to ensure that those now in power will not fall victim to such attempts. Secondly, there will be those who also attempt to infiltrate and divide. Those in power will have to learn how to lead and deliver as a team, and this calls for much patience and understanding. Among themselves, they must hold power to truth in a respectful way.

One must be aware in the Malaysian context of the ethnic fissures as well as the religious card that can be used to exploit differences. The Malaysian agenda must be at the forefront of all who are now in power. We placed you there to make a difference in our lives and to give us a sense of belonging to this nation.

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The activities of  UMNO characters like Tajuddin Abdul Rahman and Jamal Ikan Bakar must be monitored. They are racists

Leadership requires action and stern warnings. The first should go to Tajuddin Abdul Rahman, who has indicated that race and religion are under threat. This is UMNO playing its old game. We should ensure that such expressions are not welcomed in the new Malaysia. As Malaysians, we are here to protect all interests including the race and religion of every community. He should be asked to explain in specific terms how his race and religion are now under threat, and he should be taken to task.

This is what being a Malaysian represents. It is time we sent the Tajuddins of life for re-education programmes. Perhaps we will need a new BTN for this purpose. I hope the government will take a stand, otherwise we will soon have all sorts of interest groups fanning issues of race and religion. I hope the present leadership will send a clear signal that such expressions are not welcome today. Is it not fair to expect this leadership from Pakatan Harapan?

Malaysians voted for an inclusive Malaysia. UMNO, MIC, MCA and other ethnic parties who have divided us over the last few decades have to move on to new turf if they are to remain relevant. I hope BN will become a party of consequence, with the earlier coalition members accepting their irrelevance and merging into one opposition reality that champions the Malaysian cause. It is only in this context that they will have a future.

New blood will have to come into BN, and herein is the opportunity for young and committed Malaysians who have politics in mind to go in and reshape the cause, idealism and direction that BN so desperately needs. It is only when we do our best by the whole that we are also fair to everyone. Such is the nature of inclusive politics.

K Haridas is an FMT reader.

The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.