Modern Lessons on Disappointed Idealists


August 22, 2012

http://www.thestar.com.my

Modern Lessons on Disappointed Idealists

by Karim Raslan (08-21-12)

A recent book by an Asian observer of Asian societies breathes new life into some old(er) ideas.

I SPENT much of the 1990s either writing or reading about the Asian Values debate. It’s hard to imagine now, but in the years leading up to the 1997 financial crisis, books by Pakistan’s Muhammad Iqbal and Iran’s Ali Shariati, not to mention our very own Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, were top of my reading list.

So, it was with a degree of dismay that I first picked up Pankaj Mishra’s latest book: From the Ruins of Empire: The Revolt Against the West and the Remaking of Asia. Fearing a repeat of those tiresome, discredited arguments, I turned the pages warily.

However, Pankaj’s spritely account of turn-of-the-century Asian intellectual life approaches the subject from an altogether more exciting vantage point. For a start, he begins with an account of the Battle of Tsushima in May 1905 of the Russo-Japanese War.

Over a century ago, the result seemed a foregone conclusion. How could the Japanese possibly overcome the sheer might of Imperial Russia? Everything seemed to favour the Europeans as they systematically subjugated the Asiatic world.

However, and almost unbelievably, Admiral Togo’s fleet was to emerge victorious. In one fell swoop, Korea, Manchuria and much of the western Pacific were to become an extension of Japanese power – setting in motion a series of events culminating with the nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 40 years later.

Nonetheless, Japan’s victory was also to have an enduring impact intellectually across Asia – galvanising a generation. Men such as the Iranian-born pan-Islamist Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani, Liang Qichao of China and the Indian Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore, the chief protagonists of Pankaj’s book, had witnessed their civilisations endure a succession of humiliating defeats.

For them and others – Sun Yat Sen, Ataturk (then known as Mustapha Kemal) and Nehru – Tsushima brought hope. It allowed them to imagine what their peoples were capable of if they embarked (like the Japanese) on a journey of political and economic transformation.

Interestingly, in an era long before the advent of mass democracy, all three men recognised that enlightened (and perhaps despotic) leadership was critical in order to achieve societal change resilient enough to repel the Europeans.

Uttar Pradesh-born and Allahabad-trained Pankaj Mishra has produced a remarkable book – something that we were striving for back in the 90’s but never produced.

From the Ruins of Empire is essentially an Eastern canon of political thought – linking Indian, Chinese and Arab/Muslim figures and ideas. Pankaj (right) reveals how their responses to the ignominy of colonialism were to shape their future nation-states.

This heir of V.S. Naipaul’s mantle is in fact very similar to his three chosen subjects. Growing up on a diet of the American critic Edmund Wilson, Pankaj is himself a firm believer in the power of ideas and it’s this commitment to intellectualism (unlike Dr Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim who trusted in raw power) that propels his narrative.

Moreover, as a world-class traveller and essayist, Pankaj’s writings have a certain contemporary resonance. He traces the skein of ideas, like the growth of Wahhabism and its intermingling with specifically Egyptian experiences of Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb – a process that was to lead to the swift globalisation of Wahhabi thought.

At the same time, Pankaj’s trio were conscious that a blind adoption of Western modes would rob Asia of its cultural heritage and turn the Occident’s vices into its own.

Each of the men sought a “middle-path”, calling on their societies to equip themselves with modern science and thinking but to reject the grosser aspects of Western modernity with greater cultural confidence.

Sadly, all three men were to be grievously disappointed. Whilst they sought to find an acceptable compromise between East and West, they were not to live to see any of their ideas come to fruition, besides which their intransigence was to come at great personal cost.

Al-Afghani, arguably the father of political Islam, lived a life of constant re-invention. Dying in obscurity, this latter-day “Scarlet Pimpernel” was to rue his focus on traditional Muslim elites, most of whom ignored his call for a pan-Islamic revival.

Liang, whose reformist activities made him a wanted man in Qing dynasty China, wound up a Confucian conservative arguing after a disillusioning trip to America that “…the Chinese people must for now accept authoritarian rule; they cannot enjoy freedom.”

Even Tagore’s calls for Asia to maintain its cultures was violently rejected by revolutionary-minded thinkers (including a young Mao Zedong) during his lecture tours of China, a prelude to the destructive Cultural Revolution.

Their failures are warnings for Asian leaders today. As Pankaj argues in his excellent Epilogue, China and India have now unthinkingly bought into the gospels of globalised capitalism which “…looks set to create reservoirs of nihilistic rage and disappointment among hundreds of millions of have-nots.”

Pankaj’s book is hence not some simplistic paean to “Asian values.” He warns that we Asians should not gloat over the West’s decline and our prosperity.

Rather, the failure of our elite to, in Pankaj’s words, forge a “…convincingly universalist response … to Western ideas of politics and economy, even though the latter seem increasingly febrile and dangerously unsuitable in large parts of the world” condemns us to repeat the mistakes of the West.

This is a prophetic book that cannot be ignored by Asia moving forward. How I wish Pankaj had written it all those years ago. It would have saved me a lot of effort.

5 thoughts on “Modern Lessons on Disappointed Idealists

  1. Din
    I am somewhat surprised that there is no comment yet on this posting.

    It is not so much that all Asians have totally accepted Western thinking, it is the elites who control wealth and economic power who want to maintain their authoritarian control.

    This is typical of feudalistic societies all over the world, with the exception of South Korea whose feudalism is strongly interwoven with freedom of the individual spirit.

    The Malaysian case of Islamic feudalism is an extreme example with eleven caliphates! Islam is a true democratic theology. It is these anachronistic feudal warlords, including the extreme Wahabbi scholars, who want to exercise absolute control. And clever politicians like Mahafiraun, whose Machiavellian machinations for despotic control, have been quick to exploit these feudalistic factors for their own agendas!

    Mishra is right that unless the Asian masses rise up against such elitist economies, we shall continue to face instability. The Arab Spring may be a harbinger of things to come, including in Malaysia where the Malays need to decide what role Islam should have in a multicultural Malaysia.
    _____________
    It is okay. You are the first. The problems today are increasing income inequality,religious obscurantism and corruption. There is also a serious disconnect between the rulers and the ruled. All these have nothing to do with feudalism. It is the new elitism in cahoots with corporate capitalism.–Din Merican

  2. “… convincingly universalist response…” to Western ideas?

    There can be a universalist response provided we understand that Western (meaning largely US) ideas of politics and the economy are falling apart largely because they are caught up in the very charge the West has been hammering at others… fundamentalism or its twin… extremism.

    The European model was getting it just right when a new crop of post-Gaullist era politicians unthinkingly (or was it?) ditched their model. Others, among them Margaret Thatcher, then put the final nail in the coffin of a system that only needed ongoing fine tuning. Now the entire continent is in the grip of a debt created literally out of thin air.

    The only “universalist” Asian response is for every country to learn to live within means and remind themselves that governments are meant to govern and not rule.

    The West will get a second chance (for the US… a third) but Asia with its burgeoning populations will not.

    And remember what Isa once said : Socialism will have the last laugh.

  3. This book should be quite informative, though not particularly thought provoking. It probably rehashes and condenses much of what had already been said.

    ‘Asian values’ is basically a misnomer. I would rather put it as enlightened tribalism – where there is stratification of authority. Egalitarianism, once the province of ‘primitive’ cultures, evolved into the many forms of structure with divisions of form and function among the growing populace. Asian values remain feudal with individuality subsumed by collective will of each society. The quintessential “Toyota man” epitomizes technical excellence and efficiency, without the ability to think out of their boundaries.

    ‘Western values’ were the result of the Renaissance and Enlightenment, prodded on by recurrent waves of Reformation and Revivals. Neo-Platonism remains the cardinal philosophy for ‘dignitas hominae’. Thus the innate respect for the human individual and determinism. It does not mean that the Western ideals have completely eradicated the hubris of stratification of society, but rather overlaid a patina of egalitarianism. All the fundamental advances in science are Western, and Asia is merely the factory and part consumer.

    The West in their colonial conquests of Asia, Africa and Americas with superiority of arms, organization, industry and discipline were successful mainly due to inability of tribalism and feudalism to cope with this concept of egalitarianism. This would be simplistic, but true in ‘essence’. They trifled overmuch, and now it would seem that the rest of the world will now punish them for their delusions of grandeur. Yet intellectually, they still ‘own’ us.

    Characters like Sun Yat-Sen, Gandhi at al who tried to meld worldviews so different in ‘modes of existence’ and now revered by the unthinking masses were in themselves, truly Renaissance men. The paradox is that in order for their ideas to flourish, ‘Asian values’ must die.

  4. CLF,

    Yes, we yearn for Renaissance men of the likes of Tagore, Iqbal, Jose Rizal,Gandhiji, and others.What we have today are mediocre leaders wherever we look. We blame our imperialists for this intellectual deficit, but we overlook the fact that in our own country we have kampong imperialists who control us using religion and race and are responsible for the destruction of intellectual verve and courage.

    The first sign of our degeneration is when we mistreat our writers, artists,intellectuals, and poets. Look at our media. Compare, for example, the NST with The Guardian,uk or the New York Times, or Le Monde. We also do not appreciate our diversity and rich cultural heritage. –Din Merican

  5. Yes Dato, the Asian Renaissance requires many adaptive psychological mechanisms in order to survive the Chaos that ensues – when the old give way to the new. Right now, Malaysians have not awoken to the dignity of their ‘neighbor’. All they care about is their own dignity – which often times manifest as crass materialism. megalomania and unwarranted self-interest. We winnow, but tend to keep the chaff instead of the kernels. We talk about ‘Asian values’ while using the basest and most corrupt of Western thought control. We look at minutiae, forgetting the broad panorama. We neglect intellectual maturity for puerile accusations of the “Other”.

    For all the Renaissance pretense of this Establishment utilizing Western methods of branding and advertising, the political will to change came to naught. Simply because of a very feudal mental block – the “Teloq Kecut” syndrome otherwise known as koro.

    Whether the Opposition can really set things right, with ‘Change’, meaning what it should mean, is left to be seen. I suspect that the internecine struggle for ascendancy between the components will be chaotic without a firm guiding hand. The problem would then be – good intentions, grandiose promises melded into populist policies that do nothing to enable a paradigm shift in mentation of the masses. I am willing to risk that, even if the way leads to momentary perdition.

    Only when we shift from state mandated fascism, egocentricity and ethno-centricity (viz race, religion foremost) into a holistic nationalist agenda, can we start to bridge the abyss that divides the haves, have-nots and dunno-whats.

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