The Mythical Ketuanan Melayu Contract


December 15, 2018

The Mythical Ketuanan Melayu Contract

by Dr. Lim Teck Ghee

Image result for ketuanan melayu

When the Prime Minister’s Office recently announced that the Pakatan Government will not ratify the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), it also noted that the Government will defend the Federal Constitution which enshrines the social contract agreed to by representatives of all the races during the formation of the country.

 

The announcement apparently came out of a Cabinet meeting and was a unanimous decision.

 

One wonders what the Cabinet members were smoking when they agreed to inclusion of a reference to the country’s “enshrined social contract”.

 

The notion of a ‘social contract’ negotiated by the country’s leaders which led to ‘merdeka’ is one of those recent political constructs which, because it has been repeated ad infinitum by the Barisan Nasional government and its supporters, now appears to be unquestionable truth with the public, especially the Malay public.

 

The fact behind the wording is that the term was used for the first time in 1986 by The Late Datuk Abdullah Ahmad, UMNO Kok Lanas Member member of Parliament and journalist – that is, 30 years after independence. It was never used by members of the Reid Commission or by the leaders of the ‘merdeka’ movement.

Abdullah Ahmad’s Social Contract

Abdullah’s view of the social contract which he elaborated in a speech in Singapore was:

“The political system of Malay dominance was born out of the sacrosanct social contract which preceded national independence. Let us never forget that in the Malaysian political system the Malay position must be preserved and that Malay expectations must be met. There have been moves to question, to set aside and to violate the contract that have threatened the stability of the system.

“The May 13,  1969 riots arose out of the challenge to the system agreed upon out of the non-fulfilment of the substance of the contract. The NEP is the programme after those riots in 1969 to fulfil the promises of the contract in 1957… The NEP must continue to sustain Malay dominance in the political system in line with the contract of 1957. Even after 1990, there must be mechanisms of preservation, protection and expansion in an evolving system.”

When he explained it, Dollah Ahmad gave no indication that he had read the reports of the Reid Commission; neither is there evidence that he consulted the scholars who have studied and written on that period of our history.

He was also not able to quote anyone of the first generation of political leaders such as Tunku Abdul Rahman, Onn Jaafar, Tan Cheng Lock and Sambanthan; or any subsequent political leader to support and uphold his notion of the “sacrosanct social contract”.

His objective seems to have been to argue for his concept of ‘ketuanan Melayu’ and the extension of the New Economic Policy at a time when the ending of its 20 year timeframe was in sight.

Since then,  Dollah Ahmad’s construct has been appropriated by a motley crowd including UMNO political leaders, Malay mass media, self-styled academic experts, and other vested interest groups.

One prominent figure in the grouping is the former Prime Minister, Najib Razak who on 21 October 2010 in his speech to the General Assembly intimated that there is a ‘social contract’ whose terms are set in stone and which no Malaysian should question.

So can the question of the ‘social contract’ be now raised and put back in the public arena in Malaysia baru since it has been used to push back the ICERD ratification?

Or will Malaysians again be gagged into silence on a contentious issue standing in the way of better understanding of our political history and ethnic relations.

Demystifying the Social Contract

It is important to note that the majority of local and foreign scholars have repudiated the notion of Dollah Ahmad’s ‘social contract’. Perhaps the most prominent in recent times is RoyalPprofessor Dr. Ungku Abdul Aziz, who is reported to have stated t hat, “There is no such thing as [a] social contract”, and that the social contract is “a fantasy created by politicians of all sorts of colours depending on their interest”.

He also said that the social contract “should rightly be called an ‘economic contract’ to justify affirmative action in areas of education and health for groups that needed it the most”

It is possible that there are disciples of Abdullah Ahmad – including those within Putrajaya today – who hold to the view that there is a ‘social contract’ and that those contesting it are either ignorant, misguided or traitorous.

Here’s a suggestion for supporters of the ‘social contract, and their allies from the anti-ICERD movement in the Pakatan Harapan government and opposition

  1. Please print out the ‘sacrosanct social contract’ especially in Malay to be viewed by all Malaysians.

  2. If a copy is not available, state what you understand to be part of this social contract. Your view should be supported by relevant excerpts from the Reid Commission and the findings of reputable constitutional and legal experts who have studied the negotiations preceding and after merdeka.

  3. Call on the expertise of professional organizations such as the Bar Council, the Malaysian Social Science Association, and other bodies to organize talks, seminars and forums on the ‘social contract’ to ensure that the best minds can have their opinions disseminated to the public.

The danger is that in not debating the issue openly we drive that debate underground and entrench ethnocentric interpretations that do not reflect the true intent of the agreement reached by the framers of our constitution.

 

7 thoughts on “The Mythical Ketuanan Melayu Contract

  1. “The May 13, 1969 riots arose out of the challenge to the system agreed upon out of the non-fulfilment of the substance of the contract. The NEP is the programme after those riots in 1969 to fulfil the promises of the contract in 1957…”.

    There is no RCI into May 13 and without concrete evidence to proof, this is clearly to threaten other races so that the Malays could do as they please.

    Except for a small % of people, majority of all races are very poor after independent. Everyone has to work very hard to build a civilised, modern and progressive country.

    The ‘ ketuanan ‘ is to screw the decent hardworking ordinary people or taxpayers in the name of race and religion, including rampant corruption and gross abuse and rorting of the administrative system in government departments and agencies.

    The good and civilised leaders of all races knew at that time that, if you challenge them and don’t in to their unreasonable demands, some of the blood thirty Malay ‘ leaders ‘ and their supporters will cause troubles to destroy the economy and ultimately, the country.

    History has shown, the greatest crimes are those committed in the name of race and religion.

  2. Thanks for the informative article. Can we not have a petition in Malaysia to debate about the social contract? Surely as a democratic and developing country and with the new Pakatan government hopefully promoting equality for all Malaysians, we should not be biased towards any race. I would support Rafidah Aziz as Prime Minister. She is articulate and fair. She is the wife of my late boss in Bank Examination Department, Bank Negara, Basir bin Ahmad. Appreciate your blog so I can keep abreast of news in Malaysia as I live in London.
    ______________________
    Kim-Eng,
    In What Year were you at Bank Negara?–Din

  3. Thank you , Dr Lim! Hopefully, a few more Malay statesman to see that extending existing rights to another quarter of the people is the only to make sure Malaysia could commit to growing the pie and truly grow up. Malaysia does belong to the Melayu. Extending the benefits to her early migrants and fight together to build a nation that could bridge the world’s culture is a sure way for growth for the nation in this world.

  4. I was there when Tunku Abdul Rahman asked Tan Siew Sin what his opinion of the NEP. The fact Tunku asked about the proposal says there is no formal “social contract”. What I also remember is Tan Siew Sin saying to Tunku that it is not the interest of Chinese business to want the Malays to remain poor and undeveloped because they are the majority of the market and resource which the Chinese business depend on. Mahathir claimed later he did not see the Chinese willing to share.

    Fact is while Finance Minister, Tan Siew Sin spent most of his effort helping Malay development within the constraint of the small budget then. All the sweet deals the Chinese business got were from Tunku and Malay politician. Even the ultra Syed Kechick did his contracts with Chinese.

    Fact is any “social contract” that exist is one not of trade off or equality in reality but recognise that there cannot be great disparity between groups. It’s just that”balance” does not make good political capital for politicians especially those not in front.
    _______________________
    Bigjoe99,

    I worked directly for Tun Tan when he was Sime Darby Chairman.I share your comments about him.He was critical of Britain’s Milk and Water Socialism. He led a simple and frugal life. –Din Merican

  5. An eye opening & thought provoking article on a touchy and politically controversial subject matter considered somewhat of a taboo.

    • It is a taboo since Reid Commission has been made hidden. @MFM Malaysia is doomed. Melayu would never gain to discriminate against 25% of her population. After all, if Malaysia outrightly suggest that they could not support equal rights for 25% of her population, how can it grow to feed the insatiable kiasu Bumiputera.

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