Whither Political History on US campuses


August 29, 2016

Whither Political History on US campuses

American political history, it would seem, is everywhere. Hardly a day passes without some columnist comparing Donald J. Trump to Huey Long, Father Coughlin or George Wallace. “All the Way,” a play about Lyndon B. Johnson, won a slew of awards and was turned into an HBO film.

But the public’s love for political stories belies a crisis in the profession. American political history as a field of study has cratered. Fewer scholars build careers on studying the political process, in part because few universities make space for them. Fewer courses are available, and fewer students are exposed to it. What was once a central part of the historical profession, a vital part of this country’s continuing democratic discussion, is disappearing.

This wasn’t always the case. Political history — a specialization in elections and elected officials, policy and policy making, parties and party politics — was once a dominant, if not the dominant, pursuit of American historians. Many of them, in turn, made vital contributions to the political process itself, whether it was Arthur Schlesinger Jr.’s role in the Kennedy White House or C. Vann Woodward’s “The Strange Career of Jim Crow,” which the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. called the “bible of the civil rights movement.”

But somewhere along the way, such work fell out of favor with history departments. According to the American Historical Association’s listing of academic departments, three-quarters of colleges and universities now lack full-time researchers and teachers in the subject.

There appears to be little effort to fill the void. A search of the leading website advertising academic jobs in history, H-Net, yielded just 15 advertisements in the last 10 years specifically seeking a tenure-track, junior historian specializing in American political history. That’s right: just 15 new jobs in the last decade.

As a result, the study of America’s political past is being marginalized. Many college catalogs list precious few specialized courses on the subject, and survey courses often give scant attention to political topics. The pipelines for new Ph.D.s in the subject, and therefore new faculty, are drying up, and in many graduate programs one can earn a doctorate in American history with little exposure to politics.

How did it come to this? The trend began in the 1960s. America’s misadventure in Vietnam led to broad questioning of elite decision making and conventional politics, and by extension those historical narratives that merely recounted the doings of powerful men. Likewise, the movements of the 1960s and 1970s by African-Americans, Latinos, women, homosexuals and environmental activists brought a new emphasis on history from the bottom up, spotlighting the role of social movements in shaping the nation’s past.

The long overdue diversification of the academy also fostered changing perspectives. As a field once dominated by middle-class white males opened its doors to women, minorities and people from working-class backgrounds, recovering the lost experiences of these groups understandably became priority No. 1.

These transformations enriched the national story. But they also carried costs. Perceived “traditional” types of history that examined the doings of governing elites fell into disfavor, and political history suffered the effects (as did its cousins, diplomatic and military history).

The ramifications extend well beyond higher education. The drying up of scholarly expertise affects universities’ ability to educate teachers — as well as aspiring lawyers, politicians, journalists and business leaders — who will enter their professions having learned too little about the nation’s political history. Not least, in this age of extreme partisanship, they’ll be insufficiently aware of the importance that compromise has played in America’s past, of the vital role of mutual give-and-take in the democratic process.

Change will not be easy, and will not come from history departments facing tight budgets and competing demands. What is needed, to begin with, is for university administrators to identify political history as a priority, for students and families to lobby their schools, for benefactors to endow professorships and graduate fellowships and for lawmakers and school boards to enact policies that bolster its teaching — and without politicizing the enterprise.

This matters. Knowledge of our political past is important because it can serve as an antidote to the misuse of history by our leaders and save us from being bamboozled by analogies, by the easy “lessons of the past.” It can make us less egocentric by showing us how other politicians and governments in other times have responded to division and challenge. And it can help us better understand the likely effects of our actions, a vital step in the acquisition of insight and maturity.

Judging by the state of our political discourse during this dismal campaign season, the change can’t come soon enough.

7 thoughts on “Whither Political History on US campuses

  1. “Political History” is not an exact science. History, political or otherwise, is written by the victors. The problem therefore is “whose” version of political history do you teach?

    It’s the same reason why certain Christian groups insist that “Creationism”, (the religious belief that the Universe and life originated “from specific acts of divine creation”), be taught alongside the Darwinian Theories of Evolution.

    So if “political history” is to be taught, then there will be multiple pressure groups who insist that their version be taught, and you may end up with different versions being taught at different times depending on the relative strength of the political winds blowing then, or it may even depend on the political partiality or bias of the teacher who is as human as the rest of us.

    There is a big argument between Japan and China on the “correct” historical version of the invasion of the latter by the former and the atrocities alleged to be committed by the former.

    Nearer home in Malaysia what if an academic who is a Najib admirer is asked to teach the political history of Mahathir and vice versa when both men are dead and gone decades from now?

  2. The book “The Paranoid Style in American Politics” by Richard Hofstadter is as relevant as ever.
    ______________
    Dr. Phua, please give me the full title and ISBN nr of the book. Din Merican

  3. “Knowledge of our political past is important because it can serve as an antidote to the misuse of history by our leaders and save us from being bamboozled by analogies, by the easy “lessons of the past.” It can make us less egocentric by showing us how other politicians and governments in other times have responded to division and challenge”.

    This applies to Malaysia too:
    We have forgotten a lot of our past political history e.g. the British suppression of the moderate left (not only the radical left in the form of the MCP) in Malaya and their handing political power over to the conservatives of UMNO and the MCA;
    the now forgotten moderate left Malayan Democratic Union (MDU), the left-wing PAS during the leadership of Dr Burhanuddin Al-Helmy,
    left-wing political parties of the past such as the Labour Party and its alliance with left-wing Malay-based political party Parti Rakyat.
    Also, other important political figures with an alternative vision for Malaya/Malaysia such as Ahmad Boestamam, Dr Tan Chee Khoon.

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahmad_Boestaman

  4. Dr. Phua,

    Quote:- ” “Creationism” is not science but religion-based beliefs masquerading as
    science. Religious nonsense on stilts”

    Exactly, but tell that to the American “Bible Belt” people who wants this taught in schools as though it is “science”

    And BTW, which Muslim would say that the Quranic version of “Creation” has no scientific basis but, as you put it, “Religious nonsense on stilts”?

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