New Revolutionaries – The Solution to Race Politics


May 31. 2012

Project Malaysia

New Revolutionaries – The Solution to Race Politics

By Zubin Rada Krishnan

Zubin Rada Krishnan returned to Malaysia returned to Malaysia in 2004 after graduating from Oxford with a BA in Philosophy, Politics and Economics. He has spent most of his time since working in the business advisory arm of KPMG in Kuala Lumpur.

The running of the body politic along racial1 lines is a reflection of the pervasiveness of ‘racial politics’ in every aspect of Malaysian life. From business fiefdoms to food courts, from the playground to Parliament – the dispersion of power and the making of decisions are dependent on race.

Weighed down by history

From where will the solution to the ubiquity of racialism arise? Often, we look to an answer to filter (or even be imposed) from the top down. From the corridors of power, we expect pluralism and less reliance on racial and sectarian factors in the decisions that shape our nation. The remedy though, may lie closer to us than the lofty politics of the state.

Unfortunately, attempts by Malaysian political parties and their politicians to move the political sphere beyond racial lines have made marginal progress at best, and at worst, match the nastiest chauvinism of race-based partisanship. Noble are the goals of the Democratic Action Party, ostensibly based on the principles of racial equality2 and the Parti Gerakan Rakyat and its analogous non-ethnic stance. However, reality portrays a truth that meanders away from these intentions. The truth is that Malaysian politics has been played within an arena constructed on the foundations of racialism.

The failure of the Malayan Union in 1946 influenced the emergence of UMNO, the MCA and MIC – each setting out to defend their respective communities’ interests during the formation of a post-colonial nation. Concessions and settlements between communities allowed a fine balance to be struck, but on the basis of race.

Our political institutions (like our formal party system and the less formal norms of conduct and customs within politics) were crafted at a time when men who self-identified as Malay, Indian or Chinese were unsure of their future position in a new state free of colonial shackles. Each group pushed and shoved to gain traction in a perceived zero-sum game, where one lost if another gained. Such were the attitudes and behaviour of citizens toward politics – this was the political culture of the era. The political arena (consisting of our political institutions) set up during the birth of our nation was a reflection of this political culture and perhaps a necessary compromise to ensure the birth of an independent Malaysia.

Valiant efforts have been made to move beyond race within this old political arena. Ideas for escaping the stranglehold of the racial zero-sum game, were espoused not only by those of non-ethnic parties but also by progressive members of communitarian parties like Datuk Zaid Ibrahim and Dato’ Onn Ja’afar. The results,however, have been circumscribed by historical exigencies – since communitarian parties win votes on the basis of race, they force their competitors into the same game.

Examples are not hard to find, take how the DAP has sought to win support through the championing of Chinese rights, most notably through the buttressing of Chinese vernacular education, and how Gerakan’s membership base is almost four-fifths Chinese in spite of its multi-ethnic principles. The way the game is defined constrains the way players can compete – this has been the story of the struggle by parties for non-ethnic politics in Malaysia.

The power of trust and the new revolutionaries

The body politic is too ensnared in the political culture of yesteryear to be a source of the solution to ‘the politics of race’ in Malaysia, because of historical circumstance, politics is race. Rather, the transcendence of racial cleavages will come about because the political arena necessarily reflects the man in the street – just as ours did when it was newly birthed, fifty-one years ago. And because it must reflect this man, it will only change when he changes.

For the Malaysian to transcend race, it must not take priority over other considerations when dealing with others. He must be able to connect with and trust his fellow man on a basis other than his bloodline. Such connections can be wrought through the development of civil society and social capital.

The concepts of civil society, and its vital byproduct, social capital, are increasingly salient in Malaysian public discourse3. Civil society is best described as the space between the power of the state and the lives of citizens – it is the space where NGOs, knitting circles, chambers of commerce and other voluntary groupings bring people together in a non-coercive manner. The valuable product of effective civil society is social capital. This is the sum of the connectivity between fellow citizens and encompasses the concomitant values of trust and reciprocity that arise because of these connections4.

We arguably, as a nation, already have a relative surfeit of social capital – but that of the inward-looking, bonding type. This kind of social capital is the result of groupings of people that are already alike and is what binds and reinforces ethnic groups.

What our country needs in order to break past the ‘politics of race’ is a profusion of bridging social capital – that which is outward-looking and which entails the building of trust across social cleavages.

Hopeful and idealistic these ideas might sound, but the creation of this type of social capital is actually quite ordinary – it manifests anywhere people come together and share values free of race. From the football pitch to social clubs and not necessarily anywhere glamorous, when Malaysians unite on commonalities besides race, they transcend the very concept. Such connections mean that people begin to cooperate on a plane above racial origin and we begin to find that “trustworthiness lubricates social life“.5

We need revolutionaries for change

This new notion of ‘we’ based on race-blind trust in contrast to the old battlefield of ‘us versus them’ may not however, manifest naturally. We need revolutionaries. But not the self-styled rebels who stand in the street braying and waving the flags of partisanship. The spotlight of the media may not be trained on these new revolutionaries; these ordinary people who stand up and take action to grow our civil society and our stock of social capital. From the mundane rock band fan clubs and local badminton leagues, these new revolutionaries will rise forth and usurp considerations of race from their routines, fostering trust across race lines so that it becomes a force of habit.

Our political arena was created in the image of the political culture of an era past. It will be forced to adapt if Malaysian attitudes and behaviour towards politics change – if Malaysians surmount race in their everyday life, what use will they have for a political arena that is racially defined? And who are these new revolutionaries who build ties between men instead of fortresses? They will have to be you and me. Collectively speaking,We.

Wait, this sounds familiar

Perhaps decades-old political institutions like our party system are beginning to reshape themselves in the form of the political culture of a new Malaysia. Maybe what we see is mere politicking.

Establishing race-blind trust between Malaysians

The most tangible way we can prompt a clear and sustainable end to the ‘politics of race’ is to keep struggling to solidify our civil society and by doing so, establishing race-blind trust between Malaysians. To be sure that the political arena will rid itself of the ‘politics of race’, we need to remove it from our lives first. Only when we look ourselves in the mirror and see unity can we expect the political arena to reflect this image.


1 The difference between race and ethnicity is actually quite significant, what we Malaysians refer to as race, is more like ethnicity. For the purposes of this piece they will be taken to mean the same thing – solidarity between people based on (real or assumed) shared bloodlines and customs.

2 Setapak Declaration, from the first DAP National Congress in 1967

3 Notably due to a few incisive speeches made by HRH Raja Nazrin

4 This definition of social capital is largely drawn from Robert Putnam’s seminal works

5 From Robert Putnam’s ‘Bowling Alone’


MACC Graft Probe on NFC: Just to clear Shahrizat


May 31, 2012

MACC’s Cow Sense–The Malaysian Insider

Here’s a question for the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC). Who accused Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil of being involved in the process of awarding the RM250 million government soft loan to the National Feedlot Centre (NFC) operated by her family?

Short answer, no one. Long answer, not one person ever did.

So, clearing the Wanita UMNO chief of any involvement in the scandal is not even news because she wasn’t accused of that. And if MACC and Shahrizat are crowing about this, they have as much cow sense as the cattle in the Gemas farm.

Let’s be clear why Shahrizat’s name has been dragged into this and the government had to drop her from the Cabinet by not extending her tenure as senator.

Her family is accused of abusing public funds meant for a cattle-rearing project for their own shopping spree of luxury properties in Malaysia and abroad. They had admitted as much, saying the funds were being put to some use while waiting for the Ministry of Agriculture and Agro-based Industries to do its part of the deal.

Of course, it begs the question whether public funds meant for one project can be used in other ways while waiting for something else to happen. The short answer, no. The long answer, of course not.

MACC operations evaluation panel (PPO) chairman Tan Sri Dr Hadenan Abdul Jalil was stating the obvious today when he said that investigations into Shahrizat’s involvement in NFC were now closed.

“We have found she was not involved in the process of awarding the loan,” Hadenan told reporters at a press conference today.

“The decision to award the contract to the company and to award the loan does not involve her,” he added.

Malaysians are just outraged that a company with no experience in cattle farming got the money and instead of working on the project, it used the funds for something else. Because there are farmers out there in Malaysia who could use a bit of that money for their own cattle farms.

Because there are Malaysians out there who get their loan applications rejected even if it is not a government soft loan.

Because it looked like the financial records of the company showed Shahrizat’s family was living the high life from the company that was funded by public money. Perhaps she might have benefited? We don’t know. Because the MACC didn’t look into that.

They just investigated if she had a role in approving the loan. Why would she be involved? Was she in the particular ministry? Was she in the Treasury? Did the matter even come up at any Cabinet meeting where she attended?

Why is the MACC pulling wool over our eyes? Why are they even investigating this aspect which is not even a complaint from anyone?Why is the MACC spending public funds to get its officers to investigate a non-story?

Why do they have cow sense instead of common sense? What is the MACC supposed to do? Will they ever do it?

Today’s conclusion by the MACC just shows how little transformation has happened since the anti-graft agency was upgraded into a commission.They should have been a lot smarter than they revealed themselves to be today.Is there a wonder that people have little faith in the MACC?

__________________________

MACC Graft Probe on NFC: Just to  clear Shahrizat

by Clara Chooi@http://www.themalaysianinsider.com

“The way they investigated it is as if they were merely trying to find a reason to let Shahrizat go. What the MACC needs to prove is that there was no influence whatsoever from Shahrizat that allowed her family to get the contract although they had absolutely zero experience in cattle-farming.”–Rafizi Ramli

The Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission (MACC) was accused today of whitewashing Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil’s National Feedlot Centre (NFC) graft investigation , with PKR’s Rafizi Ramli pointing out that he had not even been questioned by investigators despite being responsible for most of the allegations against the Minister and her family.

Rafizi, the man who led a relentless campaign to expose alleged misappropriation of public funds in the management of NFC, pointed out that he had been the one leading the series of exposes on the NFC since the RM250 million federally-funded cattle funding project hit media headlines late last year.

“Seeing as I was the one who exposed all these issues in the NFC, one has to wonder – why have I not been called in to see the MACC when I have been the loudest in this issue?” he told The Malaysian Insider when contacted this afternoon.

Rafizi said that to completely clear Shahrizat’s name, the MACC must now explain why the RM250 million project had been awarded to a company owned by the Wanita UMNO chief’s family members, even though it has zero experience in farming.

He said it was too simplistic to clear Shahrizat just because she had not been directly involved in awarding the contract, saying it was obvious that the former Minister would not have been “so stupid” to sit on the tender committee that decided on the award.

“The way they investigated it is as if they were merely trying to find a reason to let Shahrizat go.What the MACC needs to prove is that there was no influence whatsoever from Shahrizat that allowed her family to get the contract although they had absolutely zero experience in cattle-farming,” he said.

Earlier today, MACC Operations Evaluation Panel (PPO) chairman Tan Sri Datuk Hadenan Abdul Jalil (not related to Shahrizat) revealed that Shahrizat has been cleared of any wrongdoing in the RM250 million NFC scandal, which has been dominating media headlines for months since last year.

Hadenen told reporters the MACC has declared investigations into Shahrizat’s involvement closed after finding that the former Minister had not been directly involved in the process of awarding the loan to the National Feedlot Corporation (NFCorp), a company where her husband and children sit as directors.

“The decision to award the contract to the company and to award the loan does not involve her,” he had said.

With the MACC’s decision on Shahrizat, Rafizi said the onus was now on the agency to explain to the public its reason for not taking any further action against the tender committee that had selected the NFCorp to lead the federally-funded cattle farming project.

The committee, pointed out Rafizi, had been chaired by Datuk Seri Najib Razak at the time, and had included then Agriculture and Agro-Based Industry Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, who is currently Deputy Prime Minister.

“There were six bidders for the project and of all, only one had some experience in farming. The NFCorp, was clearly only set up recently and was not fit to run the project,” he said.

“So the fact that the tender committee chaired by Najib went ahead to award the project to Shahrizat’s family clearly indicates an element of corruption… otherwise, it would be quite difficult to fathom why Najib and the committee was so stupid as to award the project of this magnitude to a company with no experience,” he added.

As such, said Rafizi, it was only “logical” to find the link between the committee and the company in question in order to determine if any corruption was involved in the contract award.

“And the only link between the selected company and Najib and Muhyiddin was Shahrizat,” he said.

Shahrizat, who is the wife of NFCorp chairman Datuk Seri Mohamad Salleh Ismail, had been linked to the scandal by PKR because of her husband’s position, and their three children’s directorships in the same firm.

The former Women, Family and Community Development Minister had been questioned by the graft watchdog earlier in February after returning to her ministerial duties.

She had earlier taken three weeks’ leave to allow authorities to investigate claims of abuse of power against both her and her family.

Shahrizat stepped down as Minister after her double-term as senator expired on April 8.

The RM250 million publicly-funded cattle-raising scheme was first coined a “mess” in an article in English daily The Star after it made it into the pages of the Attorney-General’s 2010 Report for failing to meet production targets.

The term was later repeated by other media organisations to describe NFCorp after PKR launched a series of exposés to show that the project’s funds had been allegedly abused.

The company’s assets were frozen after investigations were launched by the Police and the MACC following the revelations.

Shahrizat’s husband, Dr.Mohamed Salleh Ismail was charged with criminal breach of trust and violating the Companies Act in relation to RM49 million in federal funds given to NFCorp last March 12.

The 64-year-old was charged under Section 409 of the Penal Code relating to CBT for misappropriating RM9,758,140 from NFCorp’s funds to purchase two condominium units at the One Menerung complex in Bangsar for the National Meat and Livestock Corporation (NMLC) on December 1 and December 4, 2009.

He was also charged under the same section for transferring RM40 million of NFCorp’s funds to the NMLC between May 6 and November 16, 2009.

He was further charged in both cases for using the said funds without any approval from company’s annual general meeting, which is an offence under Section 132 of the Companies Act 1965. If found guilty, he faces between two and 20 years’ imprisonment, whipping, and a fine for the offences under the Penal Code.

Dr. Mohamad Salleh also faces a five-year jail term or RM30,000 fine for the charges proffered under the Companies Act.

He pleaded not guilty to the CBT charge as well as two counts under the Companies Act in the scandal that has opened Datuk Seri Najib Razak and the Barisan Nasional (BN) government to damaging attacks ahead of elections that must be called by March next year.

Shahrizat cleared by MACC: That’s a Foregone Conclusion


May 31, 2012

Shahrizat cleared by MACC: That’s a Foregone Conclusion

It pays to be a Member of UMNO Kleptocracy of Good Standing

Former Women and Family Development Minister Shahrizat Abdul Jalil has been cleared of having had a hand in awarding the multi-million ringgit National Feedlot Corporation (NFC) project to her family members.

“We found that Shahrizat was not involved in the process – in awarding the project to the company and the RM250 million loan,” Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) operations review panel chief Hadenan Abdul Jalil said today.

The NFC has been accused of mismanaging the loan. Shahrizat’s husband Mohamed Salleh Ismail is the company’s chairperson with her children its directors.

Speaking on the matter briefly, Hadenan said the panel has decided to wrap up the matter.

Shahrizat relinquished her ministerial post on the expiry of her senatorship on April 8, but decided to continue as the Wanita UMNO Head and Wanita Barisan Nasional (BN) head.

She has repeatedly claimed she had nothing to do with the controversies surrounding the company and its management of the loans.

The project, meant to reduce Malaysia’s dependence on beef imports, received a negative assessment in the Auditor-General’s Report 2010 as being very far off-target. NFC has also been accused of abusing its government soft loan for the cattle breeding and beef supply project on purchases unrelated to the project.

In March, Salleh, 64, was finally charged with misappropriating RM9,758,140 to fund the purchase of two condominiums  at One Menerung’ in Bangsar, Kuala Lumpur.

The trial begins on November 5.

–by S. Pathmawathy@www.malaysiakini.com

_________________________________________________________________

Note: The RM250 million publicly-funded cattle-raising scheme was first coined a “mess” in an article in English daily The Star after it made it into the pages of the Auditor-General’s 2010 Report for failing to meet production targets. The term was later repeated by other media organisations to describe NFCorp after PKR launched a series of exposés to show that the project’s funds had been allegedly abused.

The company’s assets were frozen after investigations were launched by the police and the national anti-graft body following the revelations.

Shahrizat’s  husband Dato Dr. Mohamed Salleh bin Ismail was charged with criminal breach of trust and violating the Companies Act in relation to RM49 million in federal funds given to NFCorp last March 12.

The 64-year-old was charged under the Penal Code relating to CBT for misappropriating RM9,758,140 from NFCorp’s funds to purchase two condominium units at the One Menerung complex in Bangsar for the National Meat and Livestock Corporation (NMLC) on December 1 and December 4, 2009. He was also charged with transferring RM40 million of NFCorp’s funds to the NMLC between May 6 and November 16, 2009.

He was further charged in both cases for using the said funds without any approval from company’s annual general meeting, which is an offence the Companies Act.

If found guilty, he faces between two and 20 years’ imprisonment, whipping, and a fine for the offences under the Penal Code. Dr. Mohamad Salleh also faces a five-year jail term or RM30,000 fine for the charges proffered under the Companies Act.

He pleaded not guilty to the CBT charge as well as two counts under the Companies Act in the scandal that has opened Datuk Seri Najib Razak and the Barisan Nasional (BN) government to damaging attacks ahead of elections that must be called by March next year.

 

 

London chants to Our March for Democracy


May 30, 2012

http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com

London chants to Our March for Democracy

Freemalaysiatoday commentary(05-29-12)

A Prime Minister in Malaysia is a master in his home but when he goes abroad he has no home to protect him from the rough weather outside.

On his own shores he wields considerable power and can command the state to do his bidding whenever he wants to advance his political agenda and interest.

He can order the Police to beat up citizens to a pulp. He can direct the army to stop his opponents from gaining power. He can do a thousand and one foul things to stay in office against the wishes of the people. Nobody can touch a strand of his hair. He is the lord of all he surveys.

But when he flies to a faraway land, he loses his aura of invincibility. He is exposed to criticisms and can become a target of protests. And so it was with the Prime Minister of Malaysia when he stepped on British soil lately. At home he dealt harshly with a popular movement for reforms and used a newly enacted law to crack down on his political opponents. His government even sued the organisers of the April 28 rally for their troubles. He must have patted himself on the back for playing the role of a saviour.

Abroad, his heroic acts did not cut ice with Malaysians who know the crackdown on the protesters in Kuala Lumpur on April 28 was not the right thing to do. They heckled him, chanting a household mantra that he finally could not ignore. There was no one to shield him from this sudden gust of wind that blew through the hall. He heard at close quarters the cry that shook his country not too long ago. He could not close his ears or shut his eyes.

This is London where there are no walls to imprison the minds or dull the human spirit. This is not Kuala Lumpur where minds are shackled and bodies trampled upon. This is Britain where political power changes hand as often as the season when voters had had enough of the incumbents. This is not Malaysia where Prime Ministers and their cronies seem to own the country and will do everything in their power to cling to their wealth, perks and positions. The end justifies the means here.

The London protest signals an important change in the attitude of Malaysians abroad. They are willing to openly confront their Prime Minister to show their displeasure over unhealthy political developments back home. By that bold act, they have destroyed the myth that a Prime Minister is untouchable by virtue of his high station in life.

More importantly, the message conveyed is that there are Malaysians who are willing to carry the torch of dissent on the world stage and loudly proclaim their solidarity with their fellow citizens fighting for a clean cause on the domestic front. For sure, Malaysians who brave tear gas, water cannons, police beatings will not be alone in their campaign for a better Malaysia.

All over the world people are rising up against unjust governments after decades of repressive rule. Dissent is a universal thread that runs through all societies and has become a common culture. If Malaysians too are taking to the streets, it is simply because they are fed up with having to put up with all the shenanigans, nonsense and lies of the government all these years.

The Asian culture of showing respect and obedience for those in authority and not questioning them in public obviously did not work. Instead, it has worked to the distinct advantage of crooked politicians, who would rather have a pliant public blind to the misdeeds of the government than a vocal one keeping vigilant watch on the conduct of the government.

Malaysians abroad have taken up the call for reforms, which is a good sign that the flame of democracy will not be extinguished. The state may grind to dust the movement for change but it cannot crush the spirit that moves the people to defy injustice and seize the day for democracy.

The Prime Minister cannot expect to get civil treatment from angry citizens overseas or reverent silence from enraged citizens at home any more: the chant for clean governance will continue to fill the air and reverberate all around him at home and abroad.

Najib’s Words and Actions: A Glaring Disconnect


May 30, 2012

Najib’s Words and Actions: A Glaring Disconnect

by Dato Dennis Ignatius@http://dennisignatius.wordpress.com/

“The measure of a man is what he does with power” – Plato

By all counts, Prime Minister Najib gave a sterling performance when he spoke to the Malaysian community in London a few weeks ago.

He said all the right things about democracy and his own commitment to making Malaysia a better country. As the most articulate and erudite (?) Prime Minister we have ever had, he can be impressive and inspiring.

He said, for example, that what mattered most in a democracy was the choice of the people and agreed that the people should have the choice to choose their own government. He also said his government wants to engage the people, listen to the people and do what is best for them while acknowledging that the era of “the government knows best is over.”

It’s always thrilling to hear a Malaysian Prime Minister articulate such powerful sentiments, sentiments that speak to our deepest hopes; not surprisingly, many cheered him on.

But what is the meaning of democracy and what is the measure of the man? Democracy is a much abused word. Political leaders everywhere tend to bend it to  their own purpose. And so we have even the North Koreans calling themselves a democratic republic.

Abraham Lincoln said that democracy is “government of the people, by the people and for the people.” Such a political system is premised upon determining the true will of the people through free and fair elections. As well, it is reflected in a system of governance that is transparent and accountable and that respects the rights and dignity of the people. Such a government is not master of the people but servant.

Is this Najib’s vision of democracy? Do we have a system of free and fair elections? Do we have an elections commission that has integrity and impartiality? Is each vote equally weighted? Are all political parties on a level playing field with fair access to the media and an equal opportunity to present their case to the people? Are there clear checks and balances to ensure political parties do not manipulate the vote through corruption and money politics?

The answer to all these questions can only be a resounding “no”! This is not the ranting of a few Malaysians living abroad or George Soros junkies, or Zionist conspirators; it is the view of the overwhelming majority of the people of Malaysia as a recent Merdeka Centre poll indicates. The poll found that Malaysians have no confidence in the electoral process, with nearly 92% of them wanting to see the electoral rolls cleaned up before the next elections.

Simply put, the  electoral system in Malaysia today is heavily slanted in favour of the government. The will of the people cannot be adequately ascertained under such a system. In fact, the system has been manipulated to thwart the will of the people instead of giving expression to it.

And, when tens of thousands of ordinary people gathered together to press for free and fair elections, they were met with razor wire, tear-gas, chemical spray and all the power of the state. And not content with that, the government subsequently demonized the demonstrators and their leaders as communists, coup plotters and hooligans bent on violence.

BERSIH leaders have since been harassed and intimidated by pro-government goon squads and now face criminal charges as well. And whether or not it was appropriate for the Leader of the Opposition to participate in the BERSIH rally, he should not face criminal charges for doing do so.

And then we have senior Barisan National leaders warning that there would be violence and chaos if the opposition wins. Such kinds of threats and innuendo are shocking and completely incompatible with democracy.  The government, however, allows such threats to stand by its failure to rebuke them and reassure the people that their choice will be respected and honoured whatever happens.

Is this the measure of Najib’s democracy?In his London speech, Najib also made much about the responsibilities of citizens in a democracy but judging from all that we are seeing, it is clear that what the government  demands is the  unquestioning support and blind loyalty of the people. To differ or disagree is to be counted a traitor, an agitator, an extremist, a racist or an agent of some foreign power. The term for this is not democracy but servitude.

And that brings me to the measure of the man.Time and again, Najib has given great speeches promising reform, transformation and change. He talked about making Malaysia the best democracy in the world, about ending the abuse of power, about reforming our national institutions, about tackling corruption and mismanagement, about confronting racial and religious intolerance.

What do we have forall the rhetoric over all these years but a bunch of meaningless acronyms, a few worthless committees and commissions, a clutch of empty gestures and Orwellian sleights of hand. What we are left with is a man who abuses the word democracy and who does not measure up to the challenges he has set for himself.

A man without the courage of his own convictions is a man with neither courage nor conviction.Najib ended his London speech by calling on all Malaysians to speak up against those who abuse their positions, who seek to impose their views on the majority. Let us all respond to his call and send him a resounding message that enough is enough.

Najib-Mahathir Pact: Return of Mahathirism


May 30, 2012

http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com

Najib-Mahathir Pact: Return of Mahathirism

by Nawawi Mohamad and Wong Choon Mei

Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has been praised by many, especially UMNO members and other apple polishers. He has been praised for the privatization of Malaysia, his Vision 2020, his political maneuvers and economic policies, but none of these have made Malaysia a great nation.

Instead, as a result of Mahathir’s ham-fisted policies, Malaysia has been downgraded and perceived to be trolling at the lowest levels with other rogue regimes such as Zimbabwe and Myanmar. Even Vietnam has caught up, while Indonesia has left us far behind.

No wonder the 86-year-old Mahathir is trying to salvage his legacy, but even his best-seller biography A Doctor in the House won’t make him popular again. In the eyes of his countrymen, whatever that Mahathir has done, planned, implemented and envisioned, has failed miserably.

Not tough enough! More clampdowns needed!

To Mahathir, it may well seem that his plans have suddenly gone into disarray right in front of his own eyes. He can’t accept that it could be him at fault and instead is blaming his successors for not clamping down harder on the people.

And this is why the political temperature in the country has shot up of late with police brutality becoming the norm in policing techniques and everyday life.

Mahathir is still very powerful, bolstered by the enormous wealth accumulated by his sons, cronies and family during his 22-year rule from 1981 to 2003. He knows he has made many mistakes but won’t admit it and this is why current premier Najib Razak is scrambling to please him.

Without Mahathir, Najib would be kicked out as the UMNO President and thereby the country’s PM almost immediately. Without an electoral  mandate of his own and facing serious infighting from within his own UMNO party, Najib knows his limitations.

This is why the 58-year-old has U-turned on all his earlier grandiose promises of reform, although critics may also be right in their view that Najib was never really serious about bringing much-need change to Malaysia either.

Wants to be THE BOSS once again

As every facet of Malaysia goes down one by one, Mahathir remains in a state of denial. Publicly, he says he can’t bear to see Malaysia sliding within his own life time and he can’t do anything about it. But don’t rush to empathize, one might be mistaken.

Critics say he does not care that much about Malaysia at all. Mahathir is only interested in his own legacy, which has crumbled, and of course to see his son Mukhriz made the Mentri Besar or chief minister of Kedah before being catapulted into the PM’s chair when it is time for Najib to step down.

Najib may have taken over from Abdullah Badawi but there is no doubt he indirectly inherited the mountain of socio-economic problems dogging Malaysia from Mahathir. It is Mahathir who led Malaysia into huge debt as the great majority of his mega projects were implemented on borrowed money.

National oil firm PETRONAS was milked dry to bail out the firms controlled by his cronies and sons whenever these projects turned sour as they invariably did. With such rampant corruption and mismanagement, plus a policy priority to enrich the elite leaders in UMNO, the privatization of Malaysia became dysfunctional without any proper business management practices. This in effect made Malaysia incompetent and uncompetitive.

Now, Mahathir wants to wear his ‘economic top dog’ hat again. It is clear he still wants to call the shots. Just days ago, he told a foreign news interview that a Greek pullout from the Euro Zone, plus even a China economic slowdown, could not affect Malaysia.

But who is he kidding? Central Bank Negara chief Zeti Aziz has admitted that it would be “unimaginable” if Greece failed to stay on the Euro course for financial reform. Trade-dependent Malaysia would surely be hit one way or another by the ensuing global ripple and the more so when its National Debt is now at RM560 billion and growing.

So why did Mahathir try to gloss over the possibility of financial catastrophe but minced no words when he talked about Najib’s “weak” position. The older man readily said that despite being able to escape the effects of an external economic meltdown, Najib should defer holding the 13th general election till later this year.

“Being weak, he has to respond to the criticisms. But when you are faced with this problem anything you do is not enough… maybe sometime in the next five months before the end of the year,” Mahathir told Bloomberg, referring to the best timing for the GE-13.

Personal stake in GE-13

Indeed, in GE-13, Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim and his Pakatan Rakyat coalition are rated to have an even chance of wresting the federal government – the first-ever regime change in Malaysia since the British colonizers left in 1957.

It certainly did not go unnoticed when Mahathir came out strongly to back Najib for ordering the most violent police crackdown on civilians ever during the April 28, 2012, BERSIH 3.0 rally for free and fair elections.

Not only did Mahathir stoutly defend the use of brute force on peaceful marchers, he also accused the BERSIH organizers of conspiring with Anwar and Pakatan to topple the BN government with a Tahrir Square or Arab Spring-type of people’s uprising. No one was surprised when Najib promptly echoed Mahathir’s words.

The older man then followed up by warning that if Pakatan won GE-13, there would be “unceasing violence”.  His political posturing and maneuvering was roundly condemned and his motives slammed as being evil and “dangerous”.

 “What is evident is that Mahathir has a personal stake in the outcome in the next general elections as to cause him to do his utmost, including concocting lies and falsehoods that BERSIH 3.0 was a ‘warm-up’ by Pakatan Rakyat for violent demonstrations to reject the results of the next elections if the Opposition should fail it or that the Malays will lose political power in their own country if UMNO is defeated,” said DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang.

“Could it be that it has sunk in on him after the BERSIH 3.0 rally that UMNO and Barisan Nasional can be voted out of power in Putrajaya in the next general election, and this meant that the long list of financial scandals and abuses of power in his 22 years as Prime Minister could finally be the subject of a full inquiry and he is doing his utmost to prevent the full story of his 22-year premiership from being told?

Mahathir now the de-facto PM

For sure, Mahathir is worried sick for himself and his family. A look as to how Indonesia resolved the corruption of former president Suharto and the fabulous wealth accumulated by his family would indeed spark the chills for Mahathir. Not only would wealth be impounded, jail terms, lengthy court trials and total disgrace are on the cards.

But Mahathir is either made of sterner stuff or believes that his luck has far from run out. Instead of planning or negotiating for the best exit, he is now trying hard to promote his son Mukhriz (right) as the next Kedah chief minister, while making statement and offering unsolicited advice as if he were still the PM.

The drama and Mahathir’s outspoken comments of the past few days have not been lost on other UMNO leaders, nor on their Pakatan rivals.

“There is obviously a huge split in UMNO and they are not able to come to terms. Otherwise there is no reason for Mahathir to publicly advise Najib to delay GE-13. He could have just made a phone call. Mahathir wants UMNO to know that if Najib delays GE-13 to September or even to 2013, Najib still has his support,” PKR vice president Tian Chua told Malaysia Chronicle.

“Yes, Dr M is terrified of losing GE-13 but before that is the UMNO party elections. He and Najib will go all out to ensure their men win and the rest will be sidelined. The Badawi faction, the Tengku Razaleigh faction and even Muhyiddin Yassin (the current Deputy Prime Minister) will find themselves marginalized. This looks like the deal Dr M has struck with Najib. Mahathir will be the de-facto PM, Najib will just provide the facade. He and Rosmah will go on official overseas functions and walkabouts. But the serious social and economic policies will go back to the Mahathir table. Yes, Mahathirism is back and we have to be very careful and on guard.”

Not enough to stop the exodus into Pakatan

The UMNO party polls is slated for December 2012, while speculation is rife that GE-13 will now be in September or even next year and not mid-June or July as previously touted.

A grand BN rally due to take place on June 17 had been expected to provide Najib the platform to declare a July ballot but after the massive fallout from his mishandling of BERSIH 3.0 and Mahathir’s inability to regain public popularity and respect, chances are higher for GE-13 to take place later this year or early next year. BN’s mandate to rule expires in March 2013.

Meanwhile, the expected exodus of UMNO-BN members and civil servants to the Pakatan has moved into higher gear, with the latest snare being the former Solicitor-General Yusof Zainal Abiden, UIA Professor Aziz Bari and Brigadier-General Abdul Hadi Abdul Khattab, who all joined Anwar’s PKR, while former Bukit Aman CID chief Fauzi Shaari joined PAS.

Malaysia Chronicle

Howard Zinn- You Can’t be Neutral on a Moving Train

Asia’s March to Modernity-Kishore Mahbubani

Amartya Sen–Development as Freedom

Anything to Hold On to Power


May 30, 2012

Anything to Hold On to Power

by Mariam Mokhtar (05-28-12)@http://www.malaysiakini.com

No one in Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s inner circle has the guts to tell him what others may be thinking of him, but we will. The PM is an opportunistic, power hungry egomaniac who will do anything to hold onto power.

His latest publicity gimmick should convince any doubters that Najib, his Cabinet and UMNO are petrified of the rakyat’s attraction to BERSIH 3.0.

UMNO is afraid to hold clean and fair elections.The results of previous elections may have been predetermined, but today’s discerning and less trusting public will not tolerate any cheating.

UMNO’s prolonged charade has eroded trust and despite its half-hearted jabs at reform, the rakyat doesn’t think UMNO can ever be taken seriously.

In an act of defiance against a rakyat which demands clean elections, Najib lauded around 10,000 petty traders in a grand function. The type of gathering, location and timing, were chosen for maximum impact.

NONEThe event was ostensibly for petty traders, some of whom complained about lost trade on April 28. It is significant that petty-traders had harassed BERSIH’s Ambiga Sreenevasan (in red) at her home, after the BERSIH 3.0 rally.

The Prime Minister, who prides himself on being a moderate, was not magnanimous enough to condemn violence, but appeared to reward civil disobedience, by offering financial incentives to the petty-traders.

This is a variant to his infamous “You help me, I help you” barb. He hopes to spur more acts of violence against BERSIH, the Opposition and select civil society groups with the hint, that they could be amply rewarded.

Holding the event on the eve of the one-month anniversary of the BERSIH rally, was an attempt to overshadow BERSIH. Even the venue, Dataran Merdeka, was a poor attempt at concealing Najib’s fear of BERSIH and contempt for the rakyat.

BERSIH was denied access to Dataran Merdeka because Najib feared the psychological impact on the rakyat. Dataran Merdeka is symbolic of Malaya’s struggle.

Najib detested the obvious connection that the rakyat would equate the BERSIH 3.0 event, with independence from UMNO, the modern-day oppressor. Such was his desperation that a court order was obtained to isolate the square.

Kuala Lumpur City Mayor Ahmad Fuad Ismail claimed that BERSIH could not hold its rally at Dataran Merdeka because of its political leanings.

“We stress that the use of Dataran Merdeka was rejected in line with Dewan Bandaraya Kuala Lumpur’s (DBKL’s) (policy to) reject any activities that have similar characteristics such as wanting to give ceramah, having political elements or dissenting elements, this is not the place for it”. (sic)

Fuad seemed to accommodate Najib by breaking DBKL’s own rules about last Saturday’s petty trader rally, which was reported as a BN backed “1Malaysia” gathering.

Najib’s insult to the nation, who had gathered for Malaysia’s largest show of support for clean elections was obvious. The Police were set on the rakyat and without mercy, tear gas canisters and water cannons were fired at them. Those who escaped were hounded and beaten up, journalists included.

Damansara Heights terrorised

Second, the quiet residential streets of Damansara Heights were terrorised by groups of people. If instruction did not come from the top, why else did the Deputy IGP condone the actions of the petty traders? Why were enforcement officers from KL unable to find any petty traders?

NONEThird, Najib’s fiscal measures for the petty-traders despite their civil disobedience, is a deliberate snub to the rakyat.

Lastly, but most importantly, the PM kept silent when members of the public, BERSIH and the Opposition, were attacked by UMNO party members and sympathisers.

More worrying is that none of Najib’s cabinet condemned the violence. Neither did the heads of religion, the community leaders or even members of royalty.

Most of the people who perpetrated the violence were Malay. And yet, the Muslim community is muted. There are many enterprising and resourceful Muslims but their silence is unfathomable.

It is this group that one wishes to reach out to. They need to speak to members of their own community, and explain that UMNO is “using them” and playing with them, like a cat plays with a mouse before it pounces on the hapless creature.

Of course, if some people believe Najib’s promises then they should naturally vote for him. No one is stopping them; but before that, they should analyse Najib’s policies, and see if any of them bear up to scrutiny.

At Saturday’s rally, Najib said, “Who threw sand into the rice bowl of traders? They did not care that traders would suffer……..But now this done by people, millions of ringgit have been lost by the traders.” (sic)

Petty traders may have lost millions on the day of the Bersih rally but what about the billions which Najib allegedly wasted over the years? What about the billions allegedly squirreled away during his tenure as the Defence Minister?

What about similar amounts which members of his Cabinet and the UMNO “extended family” have been accused of sequestering? What does that say about him?

Billions wasted

Will the petty-traders realise that if not for those wasted billions, there would have been more money available to help them and other members of the community? What does that also say about the petty-traders?

The petty-traders harassing Ambiga share Najib’s desire; they want UMNO to win. Dato Jamal Md Yunus who is the leader of the pack of disgruntled traders drives around in fast cars, owns a chain of restaurants, and has a luxury car-dealership thus benefiting from the Approved Permit (AP) scam.

Despite having no SPM qualifications, he is a millionaire. He became successful not through hard work but via political patronage. Jamal is no ordinary petty trader and thus he cannot represent the interests of the true petty-trader by being their President.

Jamal makes a mockery of petty traders; Najib mocks decent hard-working people. Najib is telling the rakyat that he is whiter than white and that he is a gift to democracy and the Malaysian public. He is not and we should not be fooled by his promises.

Najib takes from the poor to give to the über-rich. He condones violence and electoral fraud. He is ineligible for election to the highest office in the land. Again, he distracts us from electoral fraud. There will be more similar side-shows in the days ahead.

Malaysian Bar Council says “NO” to Hanif Panel


May 30, 2012

UPDATE:  BERSIH will not participate in Hanif Panel

The Malaysian Insider reports (05-30-12): “BERSIH has joined the Bar Council in refusing to participate in the “Hanif panel” investigating police violence in the April 28 rally for electoral reforms, saying the probe would be “seriously flawed” under Tun Hanif Omar’s chairmanship.

BERSIH co-chairman Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan repeated the council’s view that Hanif’s involvement in the panel, following the latter’s criticism of BERSIH3.0 protesters as communist sympathisers, would affect the impartiality of the investigation.

“Our stand has not changed. It is not personal, we have nothing personal against Tun Hanif but we think it is seriously flawed as he is chairing it (the panel). Justice must be seen to be done and he has already made a pronouncement about Bersih in a negative light, so we think he should not even be there (in the panel), let alone to chair it.”–Clara Chooi, The Malaysian Insider


May 29, 2012

Malaysian Bar Council: “NO” to Hanif Panel,‘YES’ to Suhakam Probe

by Teoh El Sen |www.freemalaysiatoday.com
Malaysian Bar Council  shuns the government panel headed by ex-IGP Hanif Omar, and instead will take part in Suhakam’s probe on human rights violations at the BERSIH3.0 rally.

The Bar Council has rejected having two similar inquiries to investigate human rights violations during the BERSIH 3.0 rally as it “serves no purpose”.

Bar Council Vice-President Christopher Leong said that it was improper for the government’s Independent Advisory Panel, headed by former IGP Hanif Omar, to proceed with the inquiry when Suhakam was already doing the same thing.

“What purpose would it serve to have two inquiries? asked Leong. When questioned if the Council would boycott Hanif’s panel, he said: “The Bar Council had stated earlier that it would take part in the Suhakam inquiry. Therefore we do not see what useful purpose would be served in duplicating the process and expending double the resources.”

“It is incongruous that the panel is proceeding with the inquiry when Suhakam, a statutory and independent commission, has stated that it would undertake such an inquiry,” said Leong, adding the responsibility to probe police violence and other issues during the April 28 should lie with Suhakam.

“Suhakam is the proper body to undertake the inquiry – it has the experience, statutory mandate and legal framework to do so. The Suhakam Act 1999 provides for this,” he said.

Yesterday, Hanif Omar announced that 10 terms of reference have been set for the inquiry following its first meeting with the Home Ministry last Friday. Among others, the panel seeks to establish if there was random, widespread and wanton physical assault and brutality by police on the public and journalists.

The panel will also seek to establish if there were unlawful and unwarranted arrests of public and media professionals and whether any were assaulted and beaten. Also in the terms of reference is to review police’s standard operating procedure for crowd and assembly control.

Besides Hanif, other members of the panel are former chief justice of Borneo Steve Shim Lip Kiong, Kumpulan Akhbar Sinar Harian managing director Husammuddin Yaacub, Sin Chiew group legal advisor Liew Peng Chuan, Petronas corporate affairs senior general manager Medan Abdullah and Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia psychologist Prof Dr Rozmi Ismail.

Hanif had reportedly said that he was “prepared to meet the Bar Council or any other parties” for mutual benefit.

Panel has no legal standing

Leong repeated that the Bar Council’s stand is that Hanif should not be a member on the panel based on his ‘anti-BERSIH’ views, and because the panel has no legal standing.

“This is not about his integrity. The Bar Council does not in fact question his integrity and respect that Tun had given invaluable service to the country. It is unfortunately about the perception of independence and public confidence in the panel.”

Leong added, however, that the Bar Council “is always amenable” to meet Hanif to discuss the matter.

The 10 terms of reference are:

  • To establish the cause of the disorders at and around Dataran Merdeka, and in areas leading to it, as well as the nature of the actual disorders, that were reported to have occurred from 3pm on April 28.
  • To establish whether any unlawful or negligent acts, or omissions, were caused or urged to be caused by parties involved.
  • To establish whether enforcement agencies had adhered to proper and lawful procedures and action at all times particularly in the use of force.
  • To establish whether there was random, widespread and wanton physical assault and brutality by the police on members of the public and media professionals.
  • To establish whether there was lawful confiscation and/or destruction of photographs and video recordings made by the public and media professionals, and damage caused to their equipment.
  • To establish whether there were unlawful arrests of members of the public and media professionals and whether any persons were physically assaulted and beaten, and suffered serious injuries whilst in the care and custody of the police.
  • To establish whether there was an unlawful denial of access for lawyers to their arrested clients.
  • To establish the steps taken by the organisers of BERSIH 3.0 to ensure that their planned massive rally would remain peaceful throughout the rally and disperse peacefully thereafter.
  • To review Police standard operating procedures in respect of crowd and assembly control, and of addressing disorderly conduct and riots.
  • To examine any other matter to establish the truth.

A Global New Deal


May 29, 2012

A Global New Deal

by Jomo Kwame Sundaram (05-22-12)@Project Syndicate

Recent political developments, including the defeat of incumbent governments in France and Greece, suggest that the public’s tolerance for economic policies that do not reduce unemployment has collapsed. Indeed, given the alarming economic and employment situation in many countries today, with no prospect of recovery on the horizon, further political turmoil is likely unless policymakers change course accordingly.

The economic crisis has wiped out more than 50 million jobs after years of weak, job-poor growth and increasing inequality in the world’s rich countries. Since 2007, employment rates have risen in only six of the 36 advanced economies, while youth unemployment has increased in a large majority of both established and emerging markets.

In the near term, the global crisis is likely to become worse as many governments, especially in advanced economies, prioritize fiscal austerity and tough labor-market reforms, even as such measures undermine livelihoods, incomes, and the social fabric.[Click Here to READ]

New ILO Director-General: Guy Ryder


May 29, 2012

Briton Guy Ryder is the new ILO Director-General

The International Labour Organization (ILO) on Monday (May 28) elected former trade union leader Guy Ryder as the new head of the agency, succeeding Juan Somavia, its chief of 13 years.

Briton Ryder is the ILO’s current number two and was widely expected to take over the top spot at the UN agency which draws up and monitors international labour standards.

The Liverpudlian, a former general secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation, beat eight other candidates including ex-French minister Gilles de Robien who came second in the six-round vote at the ILO headquarters in Geneva.

In a speech after the vote, Ryder said he was “profoundly grateful” to have been chosen and paid tribute to Somavia, describing him as a “giant” in the history of the ILO.

Alluding to his union background, he pledged to promote the views of all the ILO parties, while also pursuing the body’s goal of social justice at a time when the world of work “remains in crisis.”

“Our duty to the poorest and the most vulnerable must be paramount in the journey ahead,” Ryder said.

The ILO reported last week that youth joblessness is almost back at its peak following the outbreak of the 2008 global economic crisis and is unlikely to ease until at least 2016.

The search for a new director general was triggered when Somavia of Chile announced in September last year his intention to bring forward his scheduled departure date for personal reasons.

Somavia, 71, who has headed the ILO since 1998, will end his third term in September instead of March 2014.

Ryder, 56, has held various senior positions at the organisation and has acted as deputy since 2010.

The University of Liverpool and Cambridge graduate was employed in the 1980s as an assistant in the international department of the Trades Union Congress in London.He joined the ILO in Geneva in 1998, later heading up the office of the director general. A spell in Brussels followed with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and in 2006 he became the first general secretary of its successor, the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), before rejoining the ILO as its deputy.

Under ILO rules the director general is selected by a secret ballot of the 56 members of its governing body — 28 governments, 14 employers and 14 workers.

The organisation, which last week formally welcomed South Sudan as its 184th member, will host its annual conference from May 30 to June 14, when Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi will address more than 3,000 delegates.

Copyright © 2012 AFP.

AWSJ gets the frame and resultant snapshot askew


May 29, 2012

ASWJ gets the frame and resultant snapshot askew

by Terence Netto@http://www.malaysiakini.com

COMMENT: Often in politics, the way you frame a question is more important than the answer it may draw.

Perhaps that is why aficionados of the genre are inclined to recognise as its patron saint the station master who, when asked when the train would arrive, said: “That depends.” “On what does it depend?” the master was pressed. “That too depends,” he again equivocated.

The manner in which the Asian Wall Street Journal framed its question about Malaysian politics in its edition of last weekend reminded one of the wisdom of that station master as political oracle.

Under the headline ‘Malaysian People’s Court‘, the newspaper of the governing classes of Asia ran a editorial that suggested that it was inclined to view Malaysian politics as a geometrician, disregarding its inherent ambiguity and indeterminateness.

“The real question,” the AWSJ asked simplistically, “is whether Malaysian society is best served by a faster pace of change and the Opposition’s confrontational tactics.”

The paper was adverting to the April 28 protest organised by polls reform advocacy group BERSIH that saw violence erupt at its tail end.

anwar ibrahim paa charge bersih 3.0 court azmin aliThree BERSIH participants, Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim and two others from his party’s leadership cohort, were charged last week with violating the Peaceful Assembly Act, one of the reforms that the government of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak introduced in recent months as an earnest of its liberalising intentions, something that owed to the pressure generated by an earlier BERSIH demonstration.

The AWSJ, in its editorial last weekend, urged Anwar to plead guilty to the charge because it argued that his marching with the protesters on April 28 was an act of civil disobedience vis-a-vis the Act.

Hence, the AWSJ reasoned, Anwar should pay the fine and not pretend to be innocent. In other words, he cannot have his cake and eat it too. The AWSJ argued further that both government and the opposition should put their faith in the verdict of the Malaysia electorate in the general election scheduled to be held pretty soon.

Missed the crux by a mile

Its breathtaking simplification of the issues apart, the AWSJ’s editorial missed the crux of the BERSIH protest by a mile. It’s precisely over the authenticity of the electorate’s verdict that BERSIH, in recent years, has raised doubts on the basis of what it claims are anomalies in the electoral register that the Election Commission has not credibly dispelled.

Because of legitimate qualms about the authenticity of the electoral rolls, Malaysian oppositionists doubt that the verdict of the electorate in the coming election will be an accurate reflection of the people’s will.

According to them, this verdict – given claims that the electoral register has been padded with phantom voters and others who are not bona fide citizens of the country – may well be short of the electoral process’s distilled wisdom: vox populi vox Dei (The voice of the people is the voice of God).

That’s only the core of the issue raised by BERSIH. The peripheral concerns it has raised are no less significant and critical to the fairness of the electoral exercise.

By denying access for the opposition to state-owned media, and through the appropriation of state machinery by the government for its campaign purposes, the electoral process is skewed in favor of the powers that be.

These concerns weighed but little with the AWSJ’s editorialist who seems to believe that Najib Razak is on to a substantively liberalising drive, about which a querulous opposition is unwarrantedly tetchy.

Never mind that this liberal drive is more glister than gold, the AWSJ is blasé about what has been evident in the last five years of Malaysian politics: demonstrations – their size and composition – have had a big role to play in the country’s electoral process; they conscientise the people and that influences the vote.

hindraf british petition rally 251107 asialifeThis is what the BERSIH 1.0 march and the Hindraf rally of November 2007 did to the vote four months later, in the general election of 2008.

A government of half-century’ incumbency was jolted by the results of the vote, out of its complacent assumption that its writ would last forever.

A public beguiled by media that is an adjunct of the government, an electorate in the grip of ignorance about discontent smoldering in neglected corners of the country requires the drama – it seems from Malaysia’s recent history – of a huge projection of people power on the streets to prod them out of their inertia and face up to doing something with their vote.

Demonstrations in Malaysia have become what election year primaries are in the United States: they are battles of attrition leading up to the war of collision which is the general election. No matter what the organs of government propaganda have made of the BERSIH3.0 protest of April 28, the facts of its undeniably huge size, its emancipating multiracial composition and its generational variety are filtering through to the consciousness of the powers that be, even as the calendar runs down on the next general.

All the powers that be can do is a series of improvisations in the increasingly forlorn hope that these will stave off the inevitable, which is not electoral defeat but something more insidious – the realisation that the government is the problem.

Tunku Aziz explains his resignation from DAP


May 28, 2012

Tunku Aziz  explains his resignation from DAP

by G.Vinod@http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com

While the Federal Constitution does not bar a non-Malay from becoming a Prime Minister, existing conventions, customs and the country’s administration will not allow it to happen for now, said former DAP party vice chairman Tunku Abdul Aziz Tunku Ibrahim.

Citing an example, he said the Prime Minister is duty bound to be present by the King, who is traditionally a Muslim, during official functions.

“Let’s say the King goes to a mosque for prayer, he will expect his Prime Minister to be present there (to pray) as well. So a non-Muslim Prime Minister may not be able to fulfill all his duties as the King’s first minister,” said Tunku.

However, the Kedah royalty did not discount the possibility of Malaysia having its non-Malay Prime Minister in the future. “Certainly (it could happen but), it will not happen in my lifetime. A lot of emotions are involved as we have to thread many things,” Tunku Aziz said.

Last week, Bernama reported DAP chairman Karpal Singh as saying that a non-Malay could become the country’s Prime Minister and that he would continue to fight for it as there was no law against it.

But PAS spiritual leader Nik Aziz Nik Mat countered by saying that the Prime Minister of Malaysia must be a Muslim, although he could be a non-Malay.

They can’t even agree on a Shadow cabinet

Training his guns at Pakatan Rakyat, Tunku Aziz said that the opposition pact should announce its shadow cabinet before heading towards the general election.

“They can’t even even agree on a shadow cabinet till now. Pakatan needs to get its act together,” said Tunku Aziz.He added that the nation could ill afford to wait for Pakatan to decide on its government leadership, if they win the next federal polls.

He said irrespective of who wins, the government machinery would continue to run.“If they end up quarreling over posts after the general election, what’s going to happen to the country?” he asked. Tunku Aziz quit the DAP after having a fall out over his outburst in regards to the BERSIH3.0 rally on April 28.

ILO Director-General: Decision Day for Dr Jomo Kwame Sundaram of Malaysia


May 28,2012

Decision-Day for Jomo, Malaysia’s Nominee for ILO Director-General

Here is Dr. Jomo’s Letter which explains why he chose to be a candidate for the Post of Director-General, International Labour Organisation, based in Geneva, Switzerland. Please also read his resume, which merely confirms that on merit, he will likely get the job. The ILO Board meets today. Good Luck, Dr. Jomo from all of us in Malaysia.–Din Merican

…there is one candidate who is most likely to try to harness the ILO’s potential to challenge the devastating economic policies that have caused so much unnecessary unemployment and suffering in the past four years. That is Jomo Kwame Sundaram of Malaysia, the only Asian candidate.

He is the Harvard-trained chief economist at the United Nations, also responsible for its technical cooperation programs. Reputedly behind the 2009 Stiglitz Commission report (pdf) on the crisis, Jomo has shown clear understanding not only of the causes of the current economic crisis, but also of the failure of the relevant government and international institutions to bring us out of it. He would also expose the fallacies of the labor market liberalization policies currently being touted as the solution. His track record indicates that he would provide the necessary leadership at the ILO.Mark Weisbrot, Co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, in Washington, DC and President of Just Foreign Policy.(May 25, 2012)

Dr. Jomo Kwame Sundaram: For a stronger ILO, for a better world

May 2012

I want to take this opportunity to thank you for taking time to share many valuable insights, enriching my understanding and strengthening my ability to provide the leadership that you demand and that the Office requires.

Having sought your counsel over the last six months, before, during and after the Hearings in late March, I am more convinced than ever that the ILO has the unique capacity – and obligation – to mobilize for – and lead – the strong, sustained and inclusive global economic recovery – which my candidacy alone prioritizes.

The current situation in the world, and the grim prospects for the near term, oblige the ILO to prioritize working for a robust recovery for all – together with other international organizations and governments. This is not only a noble, but also a necessary goal. Due to the ILO’s unique tripartite nature, no other multilateral institution can be so committed to fostering recovery of the real economy and to creating jobs.

The ILO’s unique tripartism, with equal and independent social partners, presents distinctive challenges of its own. But by working together for recovery, we will unite – and strengthen – the house itself. And while this must necessarily be a ‘unity in diversity’ – not only because of the ILO’s tripartite nature, but also because of the variety of national circumstances represented in the house: advanced post-industrial economies as well as emerging economies from the developing world and countries in transition – this provides a ‘unity of purpose’.

For tripartism to be meaningful, the new Director General must continue to enjoy support from – and be responsive to – all stakeholders. Managing diversity and differences as well as building consensus must be the hallmarks of effective leadership in this unique organization.

Director General Somavia has successfully raised the global profile of the ILO by mobilizing moral support for laudable initiatives such as ‘decent work’, ‘fair globalization’, the ‘global jobs pact’ and ‘social protection floor’. Yet, much remains to be done to realize these noble objectives, particularly at the national level.

Hence, my second commitment – to broadening and deepening the realization of ILO norms – is partly about translating lofty principles into reality. The Office can and must do much more to support stakeholders in implementing relevant ILO standards and achieving these goals.

Not with a ‘one size fits all’ approach, but by learning from the latest appropriate, rigorous, objective and cutting-edge analysis of past experiences. We must ensure that the knowledge we gain and advance will more usefully and effectively support all major stakeholders.

Recent developments will reduce resources for the Office at a time when the world needs the ILO more than ever in these difficult times. I am committed to ensuring that the Office does more, not less, with the resources and talent it has. Office reform – including streamlining and rationalization as well as innovation and reprioritization – will be important for this effort. While I am no micro-manager, leadership attention will be crucial for success.

This means we must be more cost effective and relevant to stakeholder needs to ‘do more with less’, to rebuild still-relevant ‘traditional strengths’ and to refocus on ‘bread and butter’ concerns. As we rise to this challenge, I am confident that financial, including extra-budgetary resources will rise again as the ILO demonstrates relevance and progress.

Hence, my third commitment: to reform the Office. As the Office is reorganized to become a model of industrial harmony, staff will work more effectively, with greater motivation. If we cannot put our own house in order, our advocacy and other work will have less credibility and, consequently, success.

For the ILO to lead in building a broad alliance for a strong, sustained and inclusive economic recovery, and to more effectively serve ILO core objectives and stakeholders, its substantive and analytical work must also be much more coherent, robust and innovative.

Similarly, operational activities, including advisory services and technical cooperation, must be needs-driven, responsive and strengthened. In this regard, rationalization, streamlining and devolution of the Office functions, along with other needed and appropriate organizational reforms, should reflect stakeholder needs and priorities.

You all know the challenges for – and the potential of – the ILO. You are seeking a Director General with the right qualifications, attitude and motivation. With your support, we will rise together to the challenge.

Curriculum Vitae March 2012

Jomo Kwame Sundaram has been Assistant Secretary General for Economic Development in the United Nations’ Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) since January 2005, and (Honorary) Research Coordinator for the G24 Intergovernmental Group on International Monetary Affairs and Development since December 2006. In 2007, he was awarded the Wassily Leontief Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought. He has authored or edited over a hundred books and translated 12 volumes besides writing many academic papers and articles for the media.

Jomo was Professor in the Applied Economics Department, Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Malaya until November 2004, Founder Director (1978-2004) of the Institute of Social Analysis (INSAN) and Founder Chair (2001-2004) of IDEAs, International Development Economics Associates (www.ideaswebsite.org) where he now serves on the Advisory Panel. He was also on the Board of the United Nations Research Institute on Social Development (UNRISD), Geneva (2002-4). He is on the editorial boards of several learned journals. During 2008-2009, he served as adviser to the President of the 63rd United Nations General Assembly, and as a member of the [Stiglitz] Commission of Experts of the President of the United Nations General Assembly on Reforms of the International Monetary and Financial System.

Born in Penang, Malaysia, in 1952, Jomo studied at the Penang Free School (PFS, 1964-1966), Royal Military College (RMC, 1967-1970), Yale (1970-1973) and Harvard (1973-1977). He has taught at Science University of Malaysia (USM, 1974), Harvard (1974-1975), Yale (1977), National University of Malaysia (UKM, 1977-1982), University of Malaya (1982-2004), and Cornell (1993). He has also been a Visiting Fellow at Cambridge University (1987-1988; 1991-1992) and a Senior Research Fellow at the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore (2004).

Some of his authored or edited book publications include Malaysia’s Political Economy, Tigers in Trouble, Rents, Rent-Seeking and Economic Development: Theory and the Asian Evidence, Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery, Globalization Versus Development: Heterodox Perspectives, Southeast Asia’s Industrialization, Ugly Malaysians? South-South Investments Abused, Southeast Asian Paper Tigers? Behind Miracle and Debacle, Manufacturing Competitiveness: How Internationally Competitive National Firms And Industries Developed In East Asia, Ethnic Business? Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia, Deforesting Malaysia: The Political Economy of Agricultural Expansion and Commercial Logging, M Way: Mahathir’s Economic Policy Legacy, After The Storm: Crisis, Recovery and Sustaining Development in East Asia, Bail-Outs? Capital Controls, Restructuring & Recovery in Malaysia, The Origins of Development Economics, Pioneers of Development Economics, The New Development Economics, the two volumes of The Long Twentieth Century — Globalization Under Hegemony: The Changing World Economy and The Great Divergence: Hegemony, Uneven Development and Global Inequality, Malaysian Industrial Policy, Policy Matters: Economic And Social Policies To Sustain Equitable Development, Flat World, Big Gaps: Economic Liberalization, Globalization, Poverty and Inequality,, Growth Divergences: Explaining Differences in Economic Performance, Towards Full and Decent Employment, Reforming the International Financial System for Development, Poor Poverty: The Impoverishment of Analysis, Measurement and Policies, Is Good Governance Good for Development? and Globalization and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa.

He is married to Noelle Rodriguez and has three children, Nadia (born 1987), Emil (born 1989) and Leal (born 1990).

EDUCATION

  • Westlands Primary School (MSSEE), 1959-1963.
  • Penang Free School (Lower Certificate of Education), 1964-1966.
  • Royal Military College (School Certificate, Malaysian Certificate of Education [O levels], 1968; Higher School Certificate [A levels], 1969), 1967-1970.
  • Yale University (BA cum laude), 1970-1973.
  • Harvard University, Kennedy School of Government (MPA), 1973-1974.
  • Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences (PhD, 1978), 1974-1977.

EMPLOYMENT

  • Science University of Malaysia, 1974 (Temporary Lecturer);
  • Harvard University, 1974-1975 (Teaching Fellow, Economics Department);
  • Harvard University, 1974-1975 (Instructor, Kennedy Institute of Politics);
  • Harvard University, 1975 (Teaching Fellow, Social Studies Program);
  • National University of Malaysia (UKM), 1977-1982 (Lecturer; Associate Professor from 1981)
  • University of Malaya, July 1982-November 2004 (Associate Professor 1982-1986; Professor 1986-1989; 1991-2004)
  • Assistant Secretary-General for Economic Development, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, New York, January 2005-June 2012.Also:
  • Yale College, Fall 1977 (Visiting Instructor)
  • Cornell University, Fall 1993 (Fulbright Visiting Professor)
  • National University of Singapore, July 2004-January 2005 (Visiting Senior Research Fellow)
  • G-24 Intergovernmental Group on International Monetary Affairs and Development, December 2006- (Research Coordinator pro bono)

AWARDS, HONOURS

  • Royal Military College Scholarship. 1967-70.
  • Malaysian National Delegate to World Youth Forum, 1970.
  • Putra Foundation Travel Award, 1970.
  • Lee Foundation Travel Award, 1970.
  • Yale College Full Scholarship, 1970-1973.
  • U.S. National Science Foundation Summer Research Award, 1972.
  • Population Council Honorary Fellow, 1973-1974.
  • Harvard Center for Population Studies Fellowship, 1973-1976.
  • Ford Foundation Award, 1974-1976.
  • Harvard Yenching Scholarship, 1976-1977.
  • Southeast Asia Population Research Awards Program (SEAPRAP) Award, 1976-1977.
  • Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Faculty of Economics and Management Development Studies Fund Award, 1977-1978.
  • Commonwealth Academic Staff Fellowship (Visiting Fellow, Wolfson College, University of Cambridge), 1987-1988.
  • British Academy Visiting Professor, 1991.
  • Kuok Foundation sabbatical research award (Visitor, Faculty of Economics and Politics, University of Cambridge), 1991-1992.
  • British High Commissioner’s Award, 1991-1992.
  • Fulbright Asian Scholar-in-Residence Award (Cornell University), 1993.
  • Abe Fellowship (South Africa, Brazil), 1994-1995.
  • SEPHIS Lecture Tour, India and Sri Lanka, 1996.
  • SEPHIS Lecture Tour, Africa, 1997.
  • Speaker, World Economic Forum, Melbourne, 2000.
  • Keynote Speaker, Social Development Summit, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), Geneva, 2000.
  • SEPHIS Lecture Tour, Mexico, Brazil, 2001.
  • Speaker, World Economic Forum, Hong Kong, 2001.
  • Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Senior Fellowship, Japan, Southeast Asia, 2001-2002.
  • Speaker, World Economic Forum, New York, 2002.
  • Speaker, World Economic Forum, Kuala Lumpur, 2002.
  • Speaker, World Economic Forum, Davos, 2003.
  • Asia in the New Millennium: First Ishak Shari Memorial Lecture, 2002
  • International Institute of Asian Studies Lecture, Amsterdam, 2002.
  • Sir Patrick Gillam Lecture, London School of Economics, London, 28 November 2005.
  • W. F. Wertheim Memorial Lecture, Amsterdam, 2007.
  • Wassily Leontief Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought, 2007.
  • Keynote Speaker, International Poverty Forum, Beijing, 2009, 2010, 2011.
  • First Yusif A. Sayigh Development Lecture, Bir Zeit University, 10 November 2009.
  • Association of South East Asian Studies in the United Kingdom (ASEASUK) Lecture with the British Academy, London, 27 November 2009.
  • Keynote Lecture, Malaysian Studies Convention, Penang, 18 March 2010.
  • Association of Asian Studies Keynote Lecture, Philadelphia, 25 March 2010.
  • Second Hans Singer Memorial Lecture, University of Sussex, October 2010.
  • Keynote Speaker, Global Policy Forum, Yaroslavl, 2011.
  • Keynote Speaker, World Public Forum, Rhodos, 2011.
  • Allama Iqbal Lecture, Islamabad, December 2011.
  • Honorary doctorate, Murdoch University, 2012.
  • Malaysian National Delegate to World Youth Forum. 1970.
  • Putra Foundation Travel Award. 1970.
  • Lee Foundation Travel Award. 1970.
  • Yale College Full Scholarship. 1970-73.
  • U.S. National Science Foundation Summer Research Award.1972.\
  • Population Council Honorary Fellow. 1973-74.
  • Harvard Center for Population Studies Fellowship. 1973-76.
  • Ford Foundation Award. 1974-76.
  • Harvard Yenching Scholarship. 1976-77.
  • Southeast Asia Population Research Awards Program (SEAPRAP) Award. 1976-77.
  • Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Faculty of Economics and Management Development Studies Fund Award. 1977-78.
  • Commonwealth Academic Staff Fellowship (Visiting Fellow, Wolfson College, University of Cambridge). 1987-88.
  • British Academy Visiting Professor. 1991.
  • Kuok Foundation sabbatical research award (Visitor, Faculty of Economics and Politics, University of Cambridge). 1991-92.
  • British High Commissioner’s Award. 1991-92.
  • Fulbright Asian Scholar-in-Residence Award (Cornell University). 1993.
  • Abe Fellowship (South Africa, Brazil). 1994-95.
  • SEPHIS Lecture Tour, India and Sri Lanka. 1996.
  • SEPHIS Lecture Tour, Africa. 1997.
  • Keynote Speaker, Social Development Summit, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), Geneva. 2000.
  • SEPHIS Lecture Tour, Mexico, Brazil. 2001.
  • Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Senior Fellowship, Japan, Southeast Asia. 2001-02.
  • Asia in the New Millenium: First Ishak Shari Memorial Lecture, 2002
  • International Institute of Asian Studies Lecture, Amsterdam, 2002.
  • Sir Patrick Gillam Lecture, London School of Economics, London, 28 November 2005.
  • W. F. Wertheim Memorial Lecture, Amsterdam, 2007.
  • Wassily Leontief Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought, 2007.
  • Keynote Speaker, International Poverty Forum, Beijing, 2009, 2010, 2011.
  • First Yusif A. Sayigh Development Lecture, Bir Zeit University, 10 November 2009.
  • Association of South East Asian Studies in the United Kingdom (ASEASUK) Lecture with the British Academy, London, 27 November 2009.
  • Keynote Lecture, Malaysian Studies Convention, Penang, 18 March 2010.
  • Association of Asian Studies Keynote Lecture, Philadelphia, 25 March 2010.
  • Second Hans Singer Memorial Lecture, University of Sussex, October 2010.
  • Keynote Speaker, Global Policy Forum, Yaroslavl, 2011.
  • Keynote Speaker, World Public Forum, Rhodos, 2011.
  • Allama Iqbal Lecture, Islamabad, December 2011.
  • Honorary doctorate, Murdoch University, 2012.

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE

  • Research Assistant, Economic Growth Center, Yale University, 1971.
  • Research Assistant in South America, Economic Growth Center, Yale University, 1973.
  • Temporary Lecturer, School of Social Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia.1974.
  • Teaching Fellow, Economics Department, Harvard University, 1974-1975.
  • Teaching Fellow, Social Studies Department, Harvard University, 1974-1976.
  • Seminar Instructor, Institute of Politics, Harvard University, 1974-1975.
  • Visiting Lecturer, Yale College, 1977.
  • Consultant, United Nations, New York, 1981-1984.
  • Editorial Board, Jurnal Ekonomi Malaysia (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia), 1982-2004.
  • Expert Consultant, International Labour Organization (ILO), 1983-1986, 1991, 1996.
  • Expert Consultant, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP), 1984, 1992, 1994-1995.
  • Head, Development Studies, Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, 1987-2004.
  • Visiting Fellow, Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, 1987-1988.
  • Expert Consultant, World Institute of Development Economic Research (WIDER), United Nations University, 1988-1991, 1997, 2001-2002.
  • Member, National Economic Consultative Council (NECC), 1989-1990.
  • Expert Consultant, International Labour Organization Asian Regional Team for Employment Promotion (ILO-ARTEP), 1991.
  • Visitor, Faculty of Economics and Politics, University of Cambridge, 1991-1992.
  • Expert Consultant, Institute of South East Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore, 1991-1992.
  • Fellow, Malaysian Institute of Economic Research (MIER), 1992-1994.
  • Expert Consultant, Asia Pacific Development Centre (APDC), 1992-1993.
  • Expert Consultant, World Bank, 1993-1997, 1999-2000.
  • Visiting Professor, Cornell University (Southeast Asia Program and Johnson School of Management), Fall 1993.]
  • Social Science Research Council (SSRC) and American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS) Joint Committee on Southeast Asia, 1993-1996.
  • Life Member, Society for International Development, 1993-.
  • Council of the Journal, Alternatives Sud (Tricontinental Centre, Brussels), 1993-2004.
  • International Advisory Board, South East Asia Research (School of Oriental and African Studies, London), 1994-2003.
  • Editorial Board, Journal of Asia-Pacific Economy, 1994-2009.]
  • Editorial Board, Links (Sydney), 1994-2000.
  • Steering Committee, South-South Exchange Programme for Research on the History of Development (SEPHIS), 1994-2003.
  • Consultant, Faculty of Development Sciences, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1994-2004.
  • External Assessor, Faculty of Human Ecology, Universiti Pertanian Malaysia, Serdang, 1994-2004.
  • Visiting Fellow, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, 1995-1997.
  • Visiting Fellow, Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1995-1997.
  • Evaluation Committee, Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, 1995-1996.
  • Expert Consultant, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Geneva, 1995-1997, 2002.
  • Visiting Fellow, Institute of Social Science, University of Tokyo, 1995.
  • Expert Consultant, Harvard Institute for International Development (HIID), 1996-1997.
  • Social Science Research Council (SSRC) Regional Advisory Panel on Southeast Asia, 1997-2000.
  • Expert Consultant, Thai Development Research Institute (TDRI), Bangkok, 1998-2000.
  • Expert Consultant, G-24 (Intergovernmental Group on International Monetary Affairs and Development), Lima, Peru; UNCTAD, Geneva, 1999, 2002-2003.
  • Expert Consultant, Centre for Development and Entrepreneurship, Johannesburg, 1999.
  • Expert Consultant, East-West Center, Honolulu, 1999.
  • Expert Consultant, Institute for Development Studies, Sussex, 1999.
  • Expert Consultant, Asian Development Bank Institute, Tokyo, 1999.
  • Editorial Board, African Journal of Business & Economic Research, 1999-2004.
  • Editorial Board, African Journal of Development Studies, 1999-2004.
  • Editorial Board, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 1999-2004.
  • Editorial Board, Journal of East Asian Studies 2000-2004.
  • Expert Consultant, OECD Development Centre, Paris, 1999-2002.
  • Regional Research Partner, Centre on Regulation and Competition at the Institute for Development Policy and Management, University of Manchester, 2001.
  • Founder Chair, International Development Economics Associates (IDEAs), 2001-2004.
  • Advisory Board, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), 2002-2004, 2005- (ex officio).
  • Advisory Board, Institute for Policy Dialogue (IPD), Columbia University, 2002-2004.
  • Expert Consultant, Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, 2002.
  • Editorial Board, Asian Business and Management, 2002-2004.
  • Advisory Board, Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia, 2002-2004.
  • Editorial Advisory Board, The American Asian Review, 2002-2004.
  • Advisory Panel, Human Development Report, 2003 (United Nations Development Program), 2002-2003.
  • Advisory Board, Asia-Pacific Development Journal (Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok), 2002-
  • International Advisory Panel, Asia Research Centre, Murdoch University, 2002-
  • Advisory Committee on Economics and Policy, Times Academic Publishing, 2002-2004.
  • International Advisory Committee, Taiwan Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 2003-2004.
  • International Selection Committee, Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Fellowship Program, 2003-2004.
  • Editorial Board, International Journal of Asian Studies (Cambridge University Press for Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo), 2003-2008.
  • Editorial Advisory Board, Southeast Asian Studies Book Series, University of Wisconsin Press & UW Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 2004.
  • International Adjunct Faculty, Master of Arts in International Development Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, 2004.
  • Board, Feminist Economics, 2007-
  • Board, Review of Keynesian Economics, 2012-

BOOK PUBLICATIONS

Authored Monographs

  • Development and Population: Critique of Existing Theories. Population Studies Unit, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1982 (66pp + ii).
  • Apakah Dasar Ekonomi Baru Dapat Mencapai Perpaduan Kebangsaan?(Can the New Economic Policy Achieve National Unity?) (with Ishak Shari). Institute of Social Analysis (INSAN), Kuala Lumpur, 2nd edition, 1985 (1st edition, 1983) (44pp + ii).
  • Masalah Sosio-Ekonomi Malaysia(Malaysian Socio-Economic Problems) (with Ishak Shari). INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1983 (200pp + viii).
  • Tapi Jepun Ada di Utara (But Japan Is Up North) (with Mohd. Nasir Hashim). INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1984 (48pp.).
  • Early Labour: Children at Work on Malaysian Plantations (with Josie Zaini, P. Ramasamy and Sumathy Suppiah). INSAN and the Anti-Slavery Society for the Protection of Human Rights, London, 1984 (52pp + iv).
  • Dasar-dasar Ekonomi Mahathir(Mahathir’s Economic Policies) (with others). INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 4th edition, 1989 (3rd edition, 1987; 2nd edition, 1986; 1st edition, 1985), (149pp + xx).
  • A Question of Class: Capital, the State and Uneven Development in Malaya. Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1986 (paperback edition, Monthly Review Press, New York & Journal of Contemporary Asia Publishers, Manila, 1988), (360pp + xxiii).
  • Development Policies and Income Inequality in Peninsular Malaysia(with Ishak Shari). Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1986 (109pp + xii).
  • Teori Pembangunan Ekonomi(Economic Development Theory), (with Shamsulbahriah Ku Ahmad). Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1986 (126pp + viii); expanded edition, Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2004 (95pp + vi).
  • Mahathir’s Economic Policies (with others). INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 2nd edition, 1989 (1st edition, 1987), (147pp + iv).
  • Pembangunan Ekonomi dan Kelas Sosial di Semenanjung Malaysia (Economic Development and Social Class in Peninsular Malaysia). Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1988 (409pp + xviii).
  • Memahami Statistik Ekonomi STPM (Understanding ‘A’ Level Economic Statistics), (with Ishak Shari). Fajar Bakti, Petaling Jaya, 1988 (164pp + viii). revised edition: Statistik Ekonomi, Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2005.
  • Ekonomi STPM: Makroekonomi (‘A’ Level Macroeconomics) (with Ishak Shari). Fajar Bakti, Petaling Jaya, 1991 (361pp + viii); incorporating Memahami Makroekonomi STPM (Understanding ‘A’ Level Macroeconomics) (with Ishak Shari), Fajar Bakti, Petaling Jaya, 1988 (476pp + xii); revised edition Makroekonomi (with Roza Hazli Zakaria), Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2003 (538pp + x).
  • Ekonomi STPM: Pengenalan dan Mikroekonomi (‘A’ Level Economics: Introduction and Microeconomics) (with Ishak Shari). Fajar Bakti, Petaling Jaya, 1991 (396pp + ix); incorporating Memahami Mikroekonomi STPM (Understanding ‘A’ Level Microeconomics), (with Ishak Shari), Fajar Bakti, Petaling Jaya, 1988 (356pp + x); revised edition: Mikroekonomi, (with Rokiah Alavi), Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2003 (457pp + ix).
  • Beyond 1990: Considerations for a New National Development Strategy.Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1989 (113pp + xiv).
  • Memahami Ekonomi Malaysia STPM (The Malaysian Economy for ‘A’ Level) (with Ishak Shari). Fajar Bakti, 1990 (304pp + viii); revised edition: Ekonomi Malaysia, Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2005.
  • Beyond the New Economic Policy? Malaysia in the Nineties. The Sixth James C. Jackson Memorial Lecture, Malaysia Society, Asian Studies Association of Australia, Cairns, Australia, 1990 (34pp + ii).
  • Growth and Structural Change in the Malaysian Economy.Macmillan, London & St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1990 (262pp + xxii).
  • Masyarakat Malaysia: Cabaran Sosio-ekonomi (Malaysian Society: Socio-economic Challenges). INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1991 (122pp + vi); excerpts translated into Chinese and published in Taipeh, Taiwan.
  • Fishing For Trouble: Malaysian Fisheries, Sustainable Development and Inequality.Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1991 (90pp + xii).
  • Malaysia: Pembangunan, Ketidaksamaan, Perpaduan (Malaysia: Development, Inequality, Unity). Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1992 (162pp + xii)
  • Pertumbuhan dan Kemelesetan Ekonomi Malaysia Pada Tahun 1980an (Malaysian Economic Growth and Recession in the 1980s). Faculty of Economics and Administration Monograph No. 7, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1993 (134pp + xix).
  • The Way Forward? The Political Economy of Development Policy Reform in Malaysia.Inaugural Professorial Lecture, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1993 (38pp + ii).
  • Malay Peasant Women and The Land (with Maila Stivens, Cecilia Ng and Jahara Bee), Zed Books, London, for International Labour Office, Geneva, 1994 (122pp + xii).
  • Trade Unions and the State in Peninsular Malaysia (with Patricia Todd), Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1994 (192pp + xiv).
  • U-Turn? Malaysian Economic Development Policies After 1990,Centre for East and Southeast Asian Studies, James Cook University of North Queensland, Townsville, 1994 (119pp + xiv).
  • Southeast Asia’s Misunderstood Miracle: Industrial Policy and Economic Development in Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia (with Chen Yun Chung, Brian C. Folk, Irfan ul-Haque, Pasuk Phongpaichit, Batara Simatupang, Mayuri Tateishi), Westview, Boulder, 1997 (196pp + xiv).
  • Malaysia’s Political Economy: Politics, Patronage and Profits (with E.T. Gomez), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1997 (207pp + xix); revised edition, 1999 (228pp + xix).
  • Economic Considerations for a Renewed Nationalism,SEPHIS-CODESRIA Lecture No. 2, 1998 (47pp.).
  • Economic Diversification and Primary Commodity Processing in the Second-tier Southeast Asian Newly Industrializing Countries (with Michael Rock). UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development), Discussion Paper No. 136, Geneva, June 1998 (41pp.).
  • Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery,Zed Books, London, 2001 (321pp + xlii).
  • Growth After The Asian Crisis: What Remains Of The East Asian Model?Harvard Center for International Development and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development G-24 Discussion Paper No. 10, Geneva and Cambridge, March 2001 (61pp).
  • Mikroekonomi(Microeconomics), (with Ishak Shari; updated by Rokiah Alavi), Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2003. (457pp + ix).
  • Makroekonomi(Macroeconomics), (with Ishak Shari; updated by Roza Hazli Zakaria), Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2003. (538 pp + x).
  • Globalization, Liberalization and Equitable Development: Lessons from East Asia.Overarching Concerns Paper No. 3, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, Geneva, July 2003 (34pp).
  • The New Economic Policy and Inter-ethnic Relations in Malaysia.Identities, Conflict and Cohesion Programme Paper Number 7, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, Geneva, September 2004 (22pp + vii). Reprinted in Joshua Castellino [ed.] (2011). Global Minority Rights. Ashgate, Farnham, UK: 239-268.
  • Deforesting Malaysia: The Political Economy and Social Ecology of Agricultural Expansion and Commercial Logging(with Chang Y. T. , Khoo K. J. and others). Zed Books, London, 2004 (253pp + xxi).
  • Capital management techniques in developing countries: An assessment of experiences from the 1990s and lessons for the future (with Gerald Epstein and Ilene Grabel). G-24 Discussion Paper no. 27, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Geneva, March 2004 (34pp + ix).
  • M Way: Mahathir’s Economic Legacy.Forum, Kuala Lumpur, 2004 (248pp + vi).
  • Affirmative Action: International Experiences & Lessons for FijiConstitution Matters Lecture, Suva, Fiji, 2004.
  • Malaysian Bail-Outs? Capital Controls, Restructuring & Recovery in Malaysia(with Wong Sook Ching and Chin Kok Fay). Singapore University Press, Singapore, 2005 (349pp + lvi).
  • Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development (with Wong Sau Ngan). National University of Singapore Press, Singapore, 2008. (285pp + xii).
  • Warisan Ekonomi Mahathir. Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2010 (266pp + vii).
  • Labour Market Segmentation in Malaysian Services(with H. L. Khong). National University of Singapore Press, Singapore, 2010 (193pp + xiv).
  • Globalization and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa (with Oliver Schwank and Rudiger von Arnim). Bloomsbury Academic, London, in association with the United Nations, New York, 2013.

Edited Volumes

  • Development in the Eighties (with H. Osman Rani and Ishak Shari), Faculty of Economics, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, 1981 (309pp + viii).
  • The Fourth Malaysia Plan: Economic Perspectives (with R.J.G. Wells), Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur, 1983 (185pp + vi).
  • The Malaysian Economy and Finance (with Sritua Arief), Rosecons, East Balmain, New South Wales, Australia, for the Southeast Asia Research and Development Institute (SARDI), 1983 (346pp + viii).
  • The Sun Also Sets: Lessons in ‘Looking East’,INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 2nd edition, 1985 (1st edition, 1983), (338pp + xv).
  • Malaysia’s New Economic Policies: Evaluations of the Mid-term Review of the Fourth Malaysia Plan,Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur, 1985 (93pp + xviii)
  • ASEAN Economies: Crisis and Response, Malaysian Economic Association for the Federation of ASEAN Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur, 1985 (280pp + vi).
  • Crisis and Response in the Malaysian Economy (with Khong How Ling & Shamsulbahriah Ku Ahmad), Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur, 1987 (239pp + xv).
  • Pembangunan di Malaysia: Perencanaan, Perlaksanaan dan Prestasi (Development in Malaysia: Planning, Implementation and Performance), (with 3 others), Malaysian Social Science Association, Kuala Lumpur, 1987 (546pp + xi).
  • Undermining Tin: The End of Malaysian Pre-eminence,Transnational Corporations Research Project, University of Sydney, Sydney, 1990 (99pp + x).
  • Child Labour in Malaysia, Forum for Labour Studies Programme, Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1992 (179pp + xii).
  • Islamic Economic Alternatives: Critical Perspectives and New Directions, Macmillan, London, 1992 (196pp + x).
  • Suria Terbenam Jua: Ajaran ‘Pandang Ke Timur’ (The Sun Also Sets: Lessons in ‘Looking East’), (with Rosli Omar), Institute for Social Analysis (INSAN), 1992 (414pp + xiii).
  • Industrialising Malaysia: Performance, Problems, Prospects, Routledge, London, 1993 (354pp + xvi).
  • Malaysia’s Economy in the Nineties, special double issue of Journal of Economic Cooperation among Islamic CountriesVol. 13, nos. 3-4, Statistical, Economic and Social Research and Training Centre for Islamic Countries, Organization of the Islamic Conference, Ankara, July-October 1992; Expanded Malaysian edition, published by Pelanduk Publications, Petaling Jaya, 1994 (294pp + xv).
  • Japan and Malaysian Development: In the Shadow of the Rising Sun, Routledge, London, 1994 (374pp + ix).
  • Privatizing Malaysia: Rents, Rhetoric, Realities, Westview Press, Boulder and London, 1995 (281pp + xvii).
  • Riwayat Hidupku, by Khatijah Sidek, Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, 1995 (190pp.); translated from My Life, Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, 2001.
  • Malaysia’s Economic Development: Policy & Reform (with Ng Suew Kiat), Pelanduk Publications, Petaling Jaya, for Malaysian Institute of Economic Research (MIER), Kuala Lumpur, 1996 (476pp + xix).
  • Capital, the State and Late Industrialization in East Asia (with John Borrego and Alejandro Alvarez Bejar), Westview, Boulder, 1996 (261pp + ix).
  • Alternatif Ekonomi Islam: Perspektif Kritis Serta Haluan Baru (Islamic Economic Alternatives: Critical Perspectives and New Directions). Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1996 (283pp + xxii).
  • Tigers in Trouble: Financial Governance, Liberalisation and Crises in East , Zed Books, London, 1998 (256pp + xvi).
  • James Puthucheary: No Cowardly Past – Writings, Poems, Commentaries (with Dominic Puthucheary), INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1998 (227pp + ix).
  • Industrial Policy in East Asia (with Tan Kock Wah), Penerbit Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1999 (310pp + xii).
  • Technology, Competitiveness and the State: Malaysia’s Industrial Technology Policies (with Greg Felker), Routledge, London, 1999 (271pp + xii).
  • Industrial Technology Development in Malaysia: Industry and Firm Studies (with Rajah Rasiah and Greg Felker), Routledge, London, 1999 (399pp + xiii).
  • Rethinking Malaysia: Malaysian Studies 1. Malaysian Social Science Association, Kuala Lumpur, 1999 (293pp + vii).
  • Rents, Rent-Seeking and Economic Development: Theory and the Asian Evidence (with Mushtaq Khan), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000 (338pp + xiv).
  • Comet In Our Sky: Lim Chin Siong In History (with Tan Jing Quee), INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 2001 (170pp + xxii).
  • My Life: Memoirs of Khatijah Sidek, Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2001 (174pp.).
  • Reinventing Malaysia: Reflections on Its Past and Future, Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, 2001 (160pp.).
  • Globalization Versus Development: Heterodox Perspectives (with Shyamala Nagaraj), Palgrave, Houndmills, 2001 (240pp + xxvii).
  • Southeast Asia’s Industrialization: Industrial Policy, Capabilities and Sustainability. Palgrave, Houndmills, 2001 (349pp + xviii).
  • Ugly Malaysians? South-South Investments Abused, Institute for Black Studies, Durban, 2002 (171pp + vii).
  • Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, June 2002. [Loh Wei Leng, ‘The Colonial State and Business: The Policy Environment in Malaya in the Inter-War Years’, pp 243-256; Peter Post, ‘The Kwik Hoo Tong Trading Society of Semarang, Java: A Chinese Business Network in Late Colonial Asia’, pp 279-96; Carl A. Trocki, ‘Opium and the Beginnings of Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia’. pp 297-314; Sikko Visscher, ‘Actors and Arenas, Elections and Competition: The 1958 Election of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce’, pp 315-32].
  • New Perspectives in Malaysian Studies (with Mohd Hazim Shah and Phua Kai Lit). Malaysian Social Science Association, Kuala Lumpur, 2003 (323pp).
  • Southeast Asia’s Paper Tigers: From Miracle To Debacle And Beyond. Routledge, London, 2003 (298pp + xviii); 2004 pb.
  • Manufacturing Competitiveness in Asia: How Internationally Competitive National Firms And Industries Developed In East AsiaRoutledgeCurzon, London, 2003 (217pp + xviii); 2006 pb.
  • Globalisation And Its Discontents, Revisited (with K. J. Khoo). Tulika, Delhi, 2003 (232pp + xvi).
  • Ethnic Business? Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia (with Brian Folk). RoutledgeCurzon, London, 2003 (247pp + xiii); 2005 pb.
  • After The Storm: Crisis, Recovery and Sustaining Development in East Asia. Singapore University Press, Singapore, 2004 (318pp + xii).
  • Malay Nationalism Before UMNO: The Memoirs of Mustapha Hussain(Translated by Insun Sony Mustapha). Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, with Singapore University Press, Singapore, 2005 (424pp + xxxii).
  • The Origins of Development Economics: How Schools of Economic Thought Have Addressed Development (with Erik Reinert). Zed Books, London, and Tulika, New Delhi, 2005 (165pp + xxiii). Published in Portuguese as As origens do desenvolvimento economico como as escolas do pensamento economico tem abordado o desenvolvimento. Globus Editora. Sao Paulo.
  • The Pioneers of Development Economics: Great Economists on Development, Zed Books, London, and Tulika, Delhi, 2005 (234pp + xvi).
  • The New Development Economics: After the Washington Consensus (with Ben Fine). Zed Books, London, and Tulika, New Delhi, 2006 (304 pp + xxiv).
  • The Long Twentieth Century — Globalization Under Hegemony: The Changing World EconomyOxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006 (311pp + xi).
  • The Long Twentieth Century — The Great Divergence: Hegemony, Uneven Development and Global Inequality. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006 (262pp + ix).
  • Malaysian Industrial Policy. Singapore University Press, Singapore, and University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 2007 (322pp + xxv).
  • Policy Matters: Economic and Social Policies To Sustain Equitable Development (with Jose Antonio Ocampo and Sarbuland Khan). United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang, 2007 (285pp + xii).
  • Flat World, Big Gaps: Economic Liberalization, Globalization, Poverty and Inequality (with Jacques Baudot). United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang, 2007 (416pp + xviii).
  • Growth Divergences: Explaining differences in economic performance (with Jose Antonio Ocampo and Robert Vos). United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang, 2007 (369pp + xiv).
  • Towards full and decent employment (with Jose Antonio Ocampo). United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang, 2007 (391pp + xx).
  • James Puthucheary: No Cowardly Past – Writings, Poems, (with Dominic Puthucheary), Expanded second edition, SIRD, Petaling Jaya, 2010 (265pp + xxv).
  • Reforming the International Financial System for Development: Lessons from the Current and Recent Crises in Developing Countries. G24 Intergovernmental Group on International Monetary Affairs and Development, Washington, DC, 2009 (295pp + xiv). Expanded second edition published as Reforming the International Financial System for Development. Columbia University Press, New York, 2011 (356pp + xxv).
  • Poor Poverty: The Impoverishment of Analysis, Measurement and Policies (with Anis Chowdhury). Bloomsbury Academic, London, in association with the United Nations, New York, 2011 (230pp + ix).
  • Is Good Governance Good for Development? (with Anis Chowdhury). Bloomsbury Academic, London, in association with the United Nations, New York, 2012.

Series/Book Editor

  • British Malaya: An Economic Analysis. Dun J. Li, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1982.
  • Mereka Yang Terbiar. Hasnul Hadi, Wira Karya, Melaka, 1982.
  • With The People: The Malaysian Student Movement, 1967-74. Eds Hassan Karim & Siti Nor Hamid, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1984.
  • Bersama Rakyat: Gerakan Mahasiswa Malaysia, 1967-74. Eds Hassan Karim & Siti Nor Hamid, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1984.
  • Merdeka: British Rule and The Struggle for Independence in Malaya, 1945-1957. Khong Kim Hoong, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1984.
  • Designer Genes: I.Q., Ideology & Biology. Eds. Chee Heng Leng & Chan Chee Khoon, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1985.
  • Shamsul di Kilang Ikan & Meena: Anak Gadis Estet. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1985.
  • Shamsul and the Ice-Crushing Machine plus Meena: A Plantation Child Worker. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1985.
  • Buku Sejarah Dunia Moden. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1985.
  • Where Monsoons Meet: A People’s History of Malaya. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1986.
  • Antologi Sajak Telok Gong. Ed. Usman Awang, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1987.
  • Islam and Its Relevance to Our Age. Asghar Ali Engineer, Ikra’, Kuala Lumpur, 1987.
  • Trade Unionism for Malaysian Workers, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1987.
  • Where Monsoons Meet: A People’s History of Malaya. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1987.
  • Tangled Web: Dissent, Deterrence and the 27th October 1987 Crackdown in Malaysia. CARPA, Sydney, 1988.
  • Islam dan SosialismeBurhanuddin Al-Helmy, et al. , Ikra’, Kuala Lumpur, 1988.
  • Hajj. Ali Shariati, Ikra’, Kuala Lumpur, 1989.
  • Logging Against the Natives of Sarawak, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1st edition, 1989; 2nd edition, 1992.
  • Sucked Oranges: The Indian Poor in Malaysia. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1989.
  • Japanese Investment in Malaysia. Shiode Hirokazu, Centre for the Progress of Peoples, Hong Kong, 1989.
  • Langkawi – From Mahsuri to Mahathir: Tourism for Whom?. Bella Bird, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1989.
  • Politics in Business: UMNO’s Corporate InvestmentsE. T. Gomez, Forum, Kuala Lumpur, 1989.
  • Money Politics in the Barisan Nasional. E. T. Gomez, Forum, Kuala Lumpur, 1990.
  • The Origins and Development of Islam. Asghar Ali Engineer, Ikraq, Kuala Lumpur, 1990.
  • Dasar Ekonomi Baru dan Masa Depannya. Khadijah Muhamed and Halimah Awang, Persatuan Sains Sosial Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1991.
  • Islamic Economics: Contemporary Ulama Perspectives. Muhammad Baqer Sadr and Ayatullah Sayyid Mahmud Taleghani, Ikra’, Kuala Lumpur, 1991.
  • Safety at Work in Malaysia: An Anthology of Current Research. Eds Colin Nicholas and Arne Wangel, Institute of Advanced Studies, University of Malaya, 1991 (196 + ix pp).
  • Contemporary Islamic Economic Thought. Muhamad Aslam Haneef, Ikra’, Kuala Lumpur, 1991.
  • Khazanah Intelektual lslam. Eds Nurcholis Majid/Ahmad Shabery Cheek, Ikra’, Kuala Lumpur, 1992.
  • Pirates, squatters and poachers: the political ecology of dispossession of the native peoples of Sarawak. Marcus Colchester, World Rainforest Movement, London, 1993.
  • Islam dan Cabaran Masa Kini. Asghar Ali Engineer, Ikra’, Kuala Lumpur, 1994.
  • Indian Plantation Labour in Malaysia. R. Selvakumaran, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1994.
  • Political Business: Corporate Involvement of Malaysian Political Parties. E. T. Gomez, Forum, Kuala Lumpur, 1994.
  • Riba: The Moral Economy of Usury, Interest and Profit. Ziaul Haque, Ikraq, Kuala Lumpur, 1995.
  • Power Play: Why the Bakun Hydroelectric Project is Damned. INSAN, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1996.
  • Voices from the Rainforest: Testimonies of a Threatened People. Bruno Manser, Bruno Manser Foundation and INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1996.
  • Contract Labour in Peninsular Malaysia. Rema Devi P., Institut Kajian Dasar, Kuala Lumpur, 1996.
  • Foreign Labour in Malaysian Manufacturing: Bangladeshi Workers in the Textile Industry. Anja Rudnick, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1996.
  • Prospects for Vietnam’s Industrialization: Lessons from East Asia. Nguyen Anh Tuan. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung with INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1996.
  • Divide and Rule: The Roots of Race Relations in Malaysia. Collin E. R. Abraham, INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1997.
  • Income Inequality and Poverty in Malaysia. Shireen Mardziah Hashim, Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham, Maryland, 1998.
  • Labour Unrest in Malaya, 1934-1941: The Rise of the Workers’ Movement. Tai Yuen, Institute of Postgraduate Studies and Research, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 2000.
  • Making Money Off Migrants: The Indonesian Exodus to Malaysia. Sidney Jones, CAPSTRANS, University of Wolonggong, Wolonggong, NSW, 2000.
  • Dark Clouds At Dawn, by Said Zahari (English edition), INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 2001 (316pp + lxv).
  • Asian Foreign Direct Investment in Africa: Towards a New Era of Cooperation Among Developing Countries. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Geneva, 2006.
  • Teachers Against Colonialism in Post-war Singapore and Malaya. Kua Busan, Forum, Kuala Lumpur, 2007.
  • Prophets and Progress in Islam. Ziaul Haque, Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur, 2004 (194pp + vi).

Translated Books

  • Salam Benua: Greetings to the Continent by Usman Awang, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1982 (95pp + xix).
  • Pagar Makan Padi: Amanah, Kemiskinan dan Kekayaan di Bawah Dasar Ekonomi Baru (Development in Malaysia: Poverty, Wealth and Trusteeship), by Ozay Mehmet (edited and translated with Mohd. Redha Ahmad & Shamsulbahriah Ku Ahmad), INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1986 (165pp + x).
  • Kesatuan Sekerja Untuk Pekerja Malaysia (Trade Unions for Malaysian Workers), INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1987 (58pp + vi).
  • Di Mana Bumi Dipijak (Where Monsoons Meet – A People’s History of Malaya), INSAN, Kuala Lumpur, 1987 (166pp + vi).
  • Warisan Shariati (Shariati’s Heritage), edited by Ahmad Shabery Cheek, Ikraq, Kuala Lumpur, 1987 (92pp + ix).
  • Haji (Hajj), by Ali Shariati (with Norazlina Abdul Aziz), Ikraq, Kuala Lumpur, 1989 (127pp + xiv).
  • Pilihan Nasionalis (The Nationalist Alternative), by Renato Constantino (Foundation for Nationalist Alternatives, Manila), Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1989 (168pp + xiv).
  • Etika dan Ekonomi: Suatu Sintesis Islam (Ethics and Economics: An Islamic Synthesis), by Syed Haider Nawab Naqvi (translation with Norazlina Abdul Aziz & Rokiah Alavi), Berita Publishing, Kuala Lumpur, 1990 (201pp + xiv).
  • Fatimah by Ali Shariati (translation with Wan Manan Muda and Norazlina Abdul Aziz), Ikraq, Kuala Lumpur, 1993 (163pp + x).
  • Aliran Pemikiran Ekonomi: Kenapa Ahli Ekonomi Tidak Sependapat? (Why Economists Disagree? The Political Economy of Economists), by John Cameron, Ken Cole and Chris Edwards (Methuen, London, 1983; 2nd edition, 1991), (translation with Noorkhairil Huda M. Ali), Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 2001 (404pp + xvi).

Academic Articles

1977

    • Perbincangan Rodinson tentang Islam dan Pembangunan Kapitalisme(Rodinson’s Discussion of Islam and the Development of Capitalism), Jurnal Antropologi dan Sosiologi, ,5: 89-103
    • Islam and Weber: Rodinson on the Implications of Religion for Capitalist Development. The Developing Economies, 15 (2), (June): 240-250

1979

    • Rural-Urban Dimensions of Socio-economic Relations in Northern Peninsular Malaysia: A Report from Three Villages. In Kamal Salih et al., Rural-Urban Transformation and Regional Under-development: The Case of Malaysia, United Nations Centre for Regional Development, Nagoya: 1-63.

1980

    • Capital, Colonialism and Contradiction in the Making of the Sino-Singaporean Bourgeoisie. Southeast Asian Studies, 18 (1): 162-167
    • Consequences of Adopting an Export-Oriented Industrial Strategy in Malaysia. ASEAN Business Quarterly, 4 (3): 43-49
    • How Malaysian Unions were Shaped by State Policies. ASEAN Business Quarterly, 4 (3): 44.

1981

    • Spontaneity and Planning in Class Formation. In Ulf Himmelstrand [ed.]. Spontaneity and Planning in Social Development, Sage Press, California: 133-151.
    • The Ascendance of Bureaucrat Capitalists in Malaysia. Alternatives, 7 (4), (December): 467-490.
    • Income Distribution and the Role of the State in Peninsular Malaysia (with Ishak Shari). In H. Osman Rani, Ishak Shari and Jomo K.S. [eds]. Development in the Eighties, Faculty of Economics, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi: 212-254.
    • The Nationalization of Copper in Chile: Notes Towards a Legal-Economic Understanding of the Significance and Problems of Expropriation of an Export-Oriented Mineral Industry (with Joel Rogers), The Philippine Yearbook of International Law, VII: 108-142.

1982

    • Income Inequalities in Post-Colonial Peninsular Malaysia (with Ishak Shari), Pacific Viewpoint, 23 (1), (May): 67-76.
    • Capital Expansion and Uneven Development: Notes Towards a Historical Perspective. Akademika, 20 & 21 (January-July): 27-47.
    • Capital Accumulation and Technological Change in Malaysian Rice Farming (with Ishak Shari), Akademika, 20 & 21 (January-July): 235-261.
    • Towards the Study of Political Economy. Jurnal Ekonomi Malaysia, 6 (December): 132-142.
    • Ekonomi Bebas atau Pembebasan Ekonomi (Free Enterprise or Economic Liberation), Jernal Ekonomi, 1981/82: 31-38.
    • Masalah dan Masa Depan Dasar Ekonomi Baru Memandangkan Rancangan Malaysia Keempat(The Problems of and Prospects for the New Economic Policy In View of the Fourth Malaysia Plan). In Zuraina Majid [ed.]. Masyarakat Malaysia: Tinjauan dan Perbincangan Terhadap Beberapa Isu dan Topik Semasa, Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang: 49-67 (1st and 2nd editions).
    • Orde Baru Ekonomi Dunia: Implikasinya untuk Malaysia (The New International Economic Order: Implications for Malaysia). In Zuraina Majid [ed.]. Masyarakat Malaysia: Tinjauan dan Perbincangan Terhadap Beberapa Isu dan Topik Semasa, Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang: 116-124 (1st and 2nd editions).
    • Malaysia’s Green Revolution in Rice-Farming: Capital Accumulation and Technological Change in a Peasant Society (with Ishak Shari). In Geoffrey Hainsworth [ed.]. Village Level Modernization in South East Asia. University of British Columbia Press, Vancouver: 225-254.

1983

    • Malaysia’s New Economic Policy and National Unity: Development and Inequality 25 years after Independence. In Sritua Arief and Jomo K.S. [eds]. The Malaysian Economy and Finance. Rosecons, East Balmain, New South Wales, Australia: 3-35, reprinted from Southeast Asian Economic Review, 4 (2) (August): 71-104.
    • The Nature of the Malaysian State and Its Implications for Development Planning. (with Toh Kin Woon). In Jomo K. S. and R.J.G. Wells [eds]. The Fourth Malaysia Plan: Economic Perspectives. Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur: 23-44.
    • Prospects for the New Economic Policy in Light of the Fourth Malaysia Plan. In Jomo K.S. and R.J.G. Wells [eds]. The Fourth Malaysia Plan: Economic Perspectives. Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur: 51-61.
    • Health Priorities in Malaysia: Medicine in a Sick Society? (with Chee Heng Leng). In Jomo K.S. and R.J.G. Wells [eds]. The Fourth Malaysia Plan: Economic Perspectives. Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur: 163-185.
    • Schooling for Disunity: Education in Colonial Malaya. Jernal Pendidikan, 8 (1978-1983): 63-84.
    • Sejarah Semenanjung Malaysia – Satu Pandangan Sains Sosial (Peninsular Malaysian History – A Social Science Perspective). Ilmu Masyarakat, 1 (January-March): 3-14.
    • Project Proton: Malaysian Car, Mitsubishi Profits. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. The Sun Also Sets. Institute for Social Analysis, Kuala Lumpur (1st and 2nd editions): 332-335.

1984

    • Malaysia: The New Economic Policy (NEP) (with Toh Kin Woon). In Ngo Manh-Lan [ed.]. Unreal Growth: Critical Studies in Asian Development, , Vol. 1, Hindustan Publishing, New Delhi: 453-478.
    • Capital Accumulation, Technological Change and the Social Relations of Rice Farming: The Political Economy of Malaysia’s ‘Green Revolution’ (with Ishak Shari). In Ngo Manh-Lan [ed.]. Unreal Growth: Critical Studies in Asian Development. Vol. 2, Hindustan Publishing, New Delhi: 691-723.
    • Malaysian Military Expenditure. In Aliran [ed.]. The Arms Race: Humanity in Crisis, Aliran, Penang: 36-54.
    • The New Economic Policy and National Unity (with Ishak Shari). In S. Husin Ali [ed.]. Malaysia: Ethnicity, Class and Development, Malaysian Social Science Association, Kuala Lumpur: 329-355.
    • Malaysia’s New Economic Policy: A Class Perspective. Pacific Viewpoint, 25 (2): 153-172.
    • Embracing the West, Malaysia Looks East. Jernal Pentadbir: 21-23.
    • Plaies mal gueries du colonialisme (The Poorly Healed Injuries of Colonialism), Vivant Univers, 354 (November-December): 2-9.
    • L’economie: point nevralgique (The Economy: Focal Point), Vivant Univers, 354 (November-December): 17-22.
    • Education and Inequality in Peninsular Malaysia. Ilmu Masyarakat, 7 (October): 68-80.
    • Wage Trends in Peninsular Malaysian Manufacturing, 1963-73 (with H. Osman Rani), Kajian Ekonomi Malaysia, 21 (1) (June): 18-38.
    • Productivity, Prices and Poverty: A Brief Survey of Some Recent Trends in Malaysia. Kajian Ekonomi Malaysia, 21 (2) (December): 36-41.
    • Sabah, Sarawak and the New Economic Policy: Some Preliminary Equity Considerations. Southeast Asian Economic Review, 5 (3) (December): 143-155.
    • Ubat Baru untuk Penyakit Lama? Jurnal Ekonomi Malaysia, 11 (June): 83-98.

1985

    • New Medicine for an Old Illness? Comments on Aspects of the Mid-Term Review of the Fourth Malaysia Plan. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Malaysia’s New Economic Policies, Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur: 80-93.
    • Malaysia (with Tan Boon Kean) in ESCAP, Patterns and Impact of Foreign Investment in the ESCAP Region, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok: 97-112.
    • Public Health Expenditures in Malaysia (with Chee Heng Leng), Journal of the Malaysian Society of Health, 5 (1) (June): 73-83.
    • Whither National Culture in Malaysia? (with Mohd. Nasir Hashim) in Kua Kia Soong [ed.], National Culture and Democracy, Kersani, Subang Jaya: 140-146.
    • Towards an Integrated School System. In Kua Kia Soong [ed.], National Culture and Democracy, Kersani, Subang Jaya: 187-192.
    • Estates of Poverty: Malaysian Labour on Rubber Plantations. Ilmu Masyarakat, 10 (October 1985-March 1986): 6-10.

1986

    • Dapatkah Dasar Ekonomi Baru Menyelesaikan Masalah Perpaduan Kebangsaan (Can the New Economic Policy Resolve the Problem of National Unity) (with Ishak Shari) in Cheu Hock Tong [ed.]. Beberapa Asas Integrasi Nasional, Penerbit Daya Kreatif, Kuala Lumpur: 56-94.
    • Integrasi – Antara Asimilasi dan Segregasi: Penyelesaian Masalah Kebudayaan Kebangsaan di Malaysia (Integration — Between Assimilation and Segregation: A Solution to the National Culture Problem in Malaysia) (with Mohd. Nasir Hashim). In Cheu Hock Tong [ed.]. Beberapa Asas Integrasi Nasional, Penerbit Daya Kreatif, Kuala Lumpur: 101-106.

1987

    • Whither Industrialization in Malaysia? (with H. Ling Khong). Political Economy: Studies in the Surplus Approach, 3 (2): 223-262.
    • Sifat Pemerintah Malaysia dan Implikasinya untuk Perancangan Pembangunan (The Nature of the Malaysian State and Its Implications for Development Planning) (with Toh Kin Woon). In PSSM, Pembangunan Di Malaysia: Perencanaan, Perlaksanaan dan Prestasi. Malaysian Social Science Association, Kuala Lumpur: 24-49.
    • Economic Crisis and Policy Response in Malaysia. In R. Robison, K. Hewison & R. Higgott [eds]. Southeast Asia in the 1980s: The Politics of Economic Crisis. Allen & Unwin, Sydney: 113-148.
    • Recent Malaysian Tax Policy Initiatives (with Mukul Asher). In Jomo K.S. et al. [ed.]. Crisis and Response in the Malaysian Economy. Malaysian Economic Association, Kuala Lumpur: 116-135.

1988

    • The Trade Union Movement in Peninsular Malaysia, 1957-1969 (with Patricia Todd). Journal of Asian and African Studies, 23 (1&2).
    • The Politics of Malaysia’s Islamic Resurgence (with Ahmad Shabery Cheek). Third World Quarterly, 10 (2): 843-868.
    • Third World Debt Bondage In C. Alger & M. Stohl [eds]. A Just Peace Through Transformation: Cultural, Economic and Political Foundations for Change, Westview Press, Boulder & London: 365-381.
    • Daya Pengeluaran, Harga dan Kemiskinan (Productivity, Prices and Poverty) in Chamhuri Siwar & Mohd. Haflah Piei [eds]. Isu, Konsep dan Dimensi Kemiskinan. Dewan Bahasa & Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur: 89-100.
    • Malaysia: Economic Recession, Ethnic Relations and Political Freedom. Cultural Survival Quarterly, 12 (3): 55-63.

1989

    • A Nationalist Alternative for Malaysia? In Peter Limqueco [ed.]. Partisan Scholarship: Essays in Honour of Renato Constantino, Journal of Contemporary Asia Publishers, Manila: 213-232.
    • Pilihan Nasionalis Untuk Malaysia (A Nationalist Alternative for Malaysia). Kajian Malaysia, 7 (1&2): 58-81.
    • Malaysia’s New Economic Policy and National Unity. Third World Quarterly, 11 (4) (October): 36-53.
    • Rancangan Malaysia Kelima: Suatu Tinjauan (The Fifth Malaysia Plan: A Survey). In Mohd. Haflah Piei and Chamhuri Siwar [eds]. Rancangan Malaysia Kelima. Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi: 35-44.
    • Poverty Eradication in Malaysia, 1970-1987 In H. Kurth [ed.]. Economic Growth and Income Distribution. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Manila: 87-99.
    • Malaysia (with Hassan Abdul Karim and Ahmad Shabery Cheek). In Philip G. Altbach [ed.]. Student Political Activism: An International Reference Handbook. Greenwood Press, New York: 145-156.
    • Krisis Belanjawan dan Hutang Negara (The National Fiscal and Debt Crises) in Ahmad Shabery Cheek [ed.]. Cabaran Malaysia Tahun Lapan Puluhan. Malaysian Social Science Association, Kuala Lumpur: 22-46.

1990

    • Perbelanjaan Kesihatan Awam di Malaysia (Public Health Expenditure in Malaysia) (with Chee Heng Leng). Ilmu Masyarakat, 17 (January-June): 17-34.
    • Kesatuan Sekerja Malaya Dijinakkan Semasa Darurat Sebelum Merdeka, 1948-57 (Malayan Trade Unions Tamed During the Emergency Before Independence, 1948-57) (with Patricia Todd). Kajian Malaysia, 8 (1) (June): 21-48.
    • Gerakan Kesatuan Sekerja Tersusun di Semenanjung Malaysia Selepas Merdeka, 1957-69 (The Organized Trade Union Movement in Peninsular Malaysia After Independence, 1957-69) (with Patricia Todd). Kajian Malaysia, 8 (2) (December): 52-80.
    • Malaysia’s Tin Market Corner In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Undermining Tin: The Decline of Malaysian Pre-eminence, Transnationals Corporations Research Project, University of Sydney, Sydney: 71-96.
    • Malaysia’s New Economic Policy and the Rise of the Statist Capitalists In Michael Howard & Ted Wheelwright [eds]. The Struggle for Development: Essays in Honour of Ernst Utrecht. International Studies Programme, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia: 61-75.
    • Economic Ideas in Malaysian Universities. In Essays in Honour of Ungku A. Aziz: A Festschrift Volume. special issue of Malaysian Journal of Economic Studies, 27 (1&2) (June & December): 135-147.

1991

    • Whither Malaysia’s New Economic Policy? Pacific Affairs, 63 (4) (Winter 1990-1991): 469-499.
    • Comment on Azizah Kassim’s ‘Social Dimensions of Industrialization in Malaysia’. Regional Development Dialogue, 12 (1) (Spring): 65-66.
    • Third World Debt Peonage. In Eric Gonsalves [ed.]. Asian Relations. Lancer, New Delhi: 271-281.

1992

    • Islam and Capitalist Development: A Critique of Rodinson and Weber. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Islamic Economic Alternatives: Critical Perspectives and New Directions. Macmillan, London: 125-138.
    • Unemployment in Malaysia. In Cho Kah Sin & Ismail Muhd Salleh [eds]. Caring Society: Emerging Issues and Future Directions. Institute of Strategic and International Studies, Kuala Lumpur: 353-367.
    • Malaysia’s Islamic Movements. In J. Kahn & F. Loh [eds]. Fragmented Vision: Culture and Politics in Contemporary Malaysia. Allen & Unwin, Sydney: 79-106.
    • Logging Interests and Community Resistance in Sarawak. In CIIR [ed.]. Agrarian Reform and the Environment in the Philippines and Southeast Asia. Catholic Institute for International Relations, London: 37-44.
    • Malaysia’s Politicized Environment. Capitalism, Nature, Socialism, 2 (3), September: 3-7.
    • Child Welfare in Sarawak. Borneo Review, 3 (2), (December): 234-258.

1993

    • Privatisation in Malaysia: For What and For Whom. In T. Clarke & C. Pitelis [eds]. The Political Economy of Privatisation, Routledge, London: 437-54.
    • Malaysian Industrialisation in Historical Perspective (with C.B. Edwards). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Industrialising Malaysia: Policy, Performance, Prospects, , Routledge, London: 14-39.
    • Prospects for Malaysian Industrialisation in Light of East Asian NIC Experiences. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Industrialising Malaysia: Policy, Performance, Prospects, , Routledge, London: 286-301.
    • Policy Options for Malaysian Industrialisation (with C.B. Edwards). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Industrialising Malaysia: Policy, Performance, Prospects, Routledge, London: 316-334.
    • Plantation Capital and Indian Labour in Colonial Malaya. In K.S. Sandhu & A. Mani [eds]. Indian Communities in Southeast Asia, Institute of South East Asian Studies, Singapore: 288-311.
    • Malaysia. In J. Krieger [ed.]. The Oxford Companion to the Politics of the World, , Oxford University Press, New York
    • Malaysia. In L. Taylor [ed.]. The Rocky Road to Reform: Adjustment, Income Distribution and Growth in the Developing World, The MIT Press, Cambridge and London: 171-192.
    • Malaysian Labour Market Adjustments in a Period of Structural Adjustment. In M. Muqtada and A. Hildeman [eds]. Labour Markets and Human Resource Planning in Asia: Perspectives and Evidence, UNDP/ILO-ARTEP, New Delhi: 218-233.

1994

    • Economics of Power: Changing Horizons. Pakistan Banker, 4 (2), July-December: 101-108.
    • Japanese Multinational Intra-firm Trade Transfer Pricing Practices in Malaysia (with Anatory Marappan). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Japan and Malaysian Development: In the Shadow of the Rising Sun, Routledge, London: 127-153.
    • Malaysian Forests, Japanese Wood: Japan’s Role in Malaysia’s Deforestation. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Japan and Malaysian Development: In the Shadow of the Rising Sun, Routledge, London: 182-210.
    • In-House Unions: ‘Looking East’ for Industrial Relations (with Peter Wad). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Japan and Malaysian Development: In the Shadow of the Rising Sun, Routledge, London: 213-231.
    • The Proton Saga: Malaysian Car, Mitsubishi Gain. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Japan and Malaysian Development: In the Shadow of the Rising Sun, Routledge, London: 263-290.
    • Is National Capital ‘Progressive’: Some Heretical Thoughts on the Notion of the National Bourgeoisie. Links, 3 (October-December): 17-21.
    • Privatisation and Public Sector Reform: The Political Economy of State Intervention. Pakistan Development Review, 33(4): 642-57.

1995

    • Overview. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Privatizing Malaysia: Rents, Rhetoric, Reality, Westview, Boulder: 42-60.
    • Policy (with Christopher Adam and William Cavendish). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Privatizing Malaysia: Rents, Rhetoric, Reality, Westview, Boulder: 81-97.
    • Efficiency and Consumer Welfare (with Winnie Goh). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Privatizing Malaysia: Rents, Rhetoric, Reality, Westview, Boulder: 154-171.
    • Malaysia’s Privatisation Experience. In P. Cook and C. Kirkpatrick [eds]. Privatisation Policy and Performance: International Perspectives, Prentice Hall/Harvester Wheatsheaf, New York: 225-243.
    • A Progressive Nationalist Corporatist Development Alternative?: Lessons from East Asian NIC Experiences. Links, 4: 42-53.
    • Malaysia: The Ascendance of the Statist Capitalists. In John Ravenhill [ed.]. The Political Economy of East Asia, Edward Elgar, Aldershot: 125-167.
    • Capital, the State and Labour in Malaysia. In Juliet Schor and Jong-Il You [eds]. Capital, the State and Labour: A Global Perspective, Edward Elgar, Aldershot, and United Nations University Press, Tokyo: 185-237.
    • Economic Theory and Industrial Policy in East Asia (with Tan Kock Wah). In Robert Fitzgerald [ed.]. The State and Economic Development: Lessons from the Far East, Frank Cass, London, and Journal of Far Eastern Business, 1 (3): 17-54.
    • Rural People’s Initiatives for Sustainable Development: The Scope and Limitations of the Market (with Chang Yii Tan). In Syed Abdus Samad et al. [eds]. People’s Initiatives for Sustainable Development: Lessons of Experience, Asian and Pacific Development Centre, Kuala Lumpur: 375-96.
    • The Ascendance of the Statist Capitalists. In John Ravenhill [ed.]. Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, The Philippines and Thailand, Volume II. Edward Elgar, Aldershot: 125-167.
    • Une alternative de development national: Que peut-en retenir du role de l’etat dans les Nouveaux Pays Industrialisés Asiatiques. Alternatives Sud, 2 (2): 63-78.

1996

    • Deepening Democracy in Malaysia. In M. Ikmal Said and Zahid Emby [eds]. Malaysia: Critical Perspectives, Malaysian Social Science Association, Kuala Lumpur.
    • Elections’ Janus Face: Limitations and Potential in Malaysia. In Robert Taylor [ed.]. The Politics of Elections in South East Asia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington DC: 90-113.
    • Governance and Economic Liberalization in Malaysia (with Khoo Boo Teik and Chang Yii Tan). In L. Frischtak and I. Atiyas [eds]. Governance, Leadership and Communication: Building Constituencies for Economic Reform. World Bank, Washington, DC: 65-89.
    • Japan and Malaysia: A New East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere?. In Asia in the Twenty-first Century. Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo: 51-66.

1997

    • Conversion to Islam and Rational Choice Institutional Analysis. Journal of Theoretical and Institutional Economics, 153 (1).
    • Rents and Development in Multiethnic Malaysia (with E.T. Gomez). In Masahiko Aoki, Hyung-Ki Kim and Masahiro Okuno-Fujiwara [eds]. The Role of Government in East Asian Economic Development. Oxford University Press, New York: 342-372.
    • Lessons from Growth and Structural Change in the Second-tier South East Asian Newly Industrializing Countries. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development Discussion Paper, Geneva.
    • Clash or Dialogue? Some Economic Considerations for the New Age. Development and Socio-economic Progress, 70 (July/December): 78-92.
    • A Distinct Chinese Idiom of Business in Malaysia. In Anthony Reid and Daniel Chirot [eds]. Entrepreneurial Minorities in Central Europe and Southeast Asia, University of Washington Press, Seattle.
    • A Southeast Asian Economic Model for Late Industrialization. In Proceedings of the International Symposium ‘Southeast Asia: Global Area Studies for the 21st Century’ , Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, Kyoto.

1998

    • Introduction: Overview (with Ken Togo). In Takahashi Kazuo [ed.]. Asia’s Development Experiences: How Internationally Competitive National Manufacturing Firms Have Developed in Asia. Foundation for Advanced Studies on International Development, Tokyo: 11-37.
    • Case of Malaysia: Industrial Policy and the Emergence of Internationally Competitive Manufacturing Firms in Malaysia (with Rajah Rasiah, Rokiah Alavi and Jaya Gopal). In Kazuo Takahashi [ed.]. Asia’s Development Experiences: How Internationally Competitive National Manufacturing Firms Have Developed in Asia. Foundation for Advanced Studies on International Development, Tokyo: 178-261.
    • Lessons from Growth and Structural Change in the Second-Tier South East Asian Newly Industrializing Countries. In Hans Singer, Neelambar Hatti and Rameshwar Tandon [eds.]. Export-led versus Balanced Growth in the 1990s, New World Order Series Vol. 13. B.R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi: 423-450.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Tigers in Trouble: Financial Governance, Liberalisation and Crises in East Asia, Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong: 1-32. Reprinted as Financial Governance, Liberalisation and Crises in East Asia. . In Consumers International [ed.]. Economic Crisis: The Social Cost, Consumers International, Penang: 4-38.
    • Malaysia: From Miracle to Debacle. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Tigers in Trouble: Financial Governance, Liberalisation and Crises in East Asia. Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong: 181-198.
    • Financial Liberalization, Crises and Malaysian Policy Responses. World Development, 26 (8), August: 1563-1574; reprinted in RIS Digest 14 (4)-15 (1-2), Special Issue on East Asian Economic Crisis, September: 31-74.
    • Malaysian Debacle: Whose Fault?. Cambridge Journal of Economics 22 (6), November: 707-722.
    • Malaysian Industrialisation: Performance, Problems, Prospects (with C.B. Edwards). In Ishak Yussof and Abd. Ghafar Ismail [eds]. Malaysian Industrialisation: Governance and Technical Change. Penerbit UKM, Bangi: 19-54.
    • Foreword. In Lim Kit Siang, Economic and Financial Crisis. Democratic Action Party Economic Committee, Petaling Jaya: xviii-xxxi.
    • La Crise des Tigres Asiatiques et ses Incidences Mondiales: Une Analyse au Départ de l’Asie . Alternatives Sud, 5 (3): 25-68.

1999

    • Development Planning in Malaysia: A Critical Appraisal. In B.N. Ghosh and Muhammad Syukri Salleh [eds]. Political Economy of Development in Malaysia. Utusan Publications, Kuala Lumpur: 85-104.
    • Riba: Interest, Usury or Surplus? Alternative Interpretations and Their Economic Implications. Journal of Alternative Political Economy, 1 (1), January: 42-45.
    • The Role of Law and Legal Institutions in Asian Economic Development 1960-1995. by K. Pistor, P. A. Wellons and others. Asian Development Bank, Manila.
    • Comments on ‘African Experiences’. In FASID [ed.]. Microeconomies and Structural Adjustment in Africa: Experiences and Prospects of Small Business and Farmers. JICA & FASID, Tokyo: 129-135.
    • Comment: Crisis and the Developmental State in East Asia. In R. Robison, M. Beeson, K. Jayasuriya and H-R Kim [eds]. Politics and Markets in the Wake of the Asian Crisis. Routledge, London: 25-33.
    • Malaysia. In I. Marsh, J. Blondel & T. Inoguchi [eds]. Democracy, Governance and Economic Performance: East and Southeast Asia. United Nations University Press, Tokyo: 230-260.
    • Globalization and Human Development in East Asia. In UNDP, Globalization With A Human Face: Human Development Report 1999, Background Papers, Vol. 2. Human Development Report Office, United Nations Development Programme, New York, 1999: 81-123.
    • Beyond Crony Capitalism: Rent-Seeking, Financial Restraint And Economic Development. Centre for Development and Enterprise project on ‘Entrepreneurship and Expanding the Business Sector in South Africa’, Johannesburg.

2000

    • Financial Reform and Crisis in Malaysia (with Chin Kok Fay). In Masayoshi Tsurumi [ed.]. Financial Crisis and System Reform in Asia, Hosei University Press, Tokyo. (in Japanese).
    • Introduction (with Mushtaq H. Khan). In Mushtaq Khan and Jomo K. S. [eds]. Rents, Rent-Seeking and Economic Development: Theory and the Asian Evidence, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 1-20.
    • Creating Efficient Rent-seeking Rights for Development: The Malaysian Dilemma (with E. T. Gomez). In Mushtaq Khan and Jomo K. S. [eds]. Rents, Rent-Seeking and Economic Development: Theory and the Asian Evidence, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 274-303.
    • Financial Sector Rents in Malaysia (with Chin Kok Fay). In Mushtaq Khan and Jomo K. S. [eds]. Rents, Rent-Seeking and Economic Development: Theory and the Asian Evidence, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 304-326.
    • Economic Considerations for a Renewed Nationalism”. . Journal of Contemporary Asia, 30 (3): 338-368.
    • Some Social Consequences of the 1997-8 Economic Crisis in Malaysia (with Lee Hwok Aun). In Social Impacts of the Asian Economic Crisis in Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. Thailand Development Research Institute, Bangkok: 167-228.
    • La liberalization financiere internationale et la crise du developpement est-asiatique. Afrique et Developpement, 25 (1&2): 1-48.

2001

    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: xxii-xlii.
    • From Currency Crisis to Recession: Some Macroeconomic Dimensions. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 1-46.
    • Financial Regulation, Crisis and Responses (with Natasha Hamilton-Hart). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 67-89.
    • Financial Liberalisation and System Vulnerability (with Chin Kok Fay). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 90-133.
    • Capital Flows. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 134-173.
    • Capital Flows Volatility (with Liew San Yee and Laura Kaehler). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 174-198.
    • Capital Controls. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 199-215.
    • Social Impacts (with Lee Hwok Aun). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 216-255.
    • East Asian Comparisons. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Malaysian Eclipse: Economic Crisis and Recovery. Zed Books, London: 256-294.
    • Rethinking the Role of Government Policy in Southeast Asia. In Joseph E. Stiglitz and Shahid Yusuf [eds]. Rethinking the East Asian Miracle. Oxford University Press, New York, and World Bank, Washington DC: 461-508.
    • Financial Reform and Crisis in Malaysia (with Chin Kok Fay). In Masayoshi Tsurumi [ed.]. Financial Big Bang in Asia. Ashgate, Aldershot: 225-249.
    • Malaysia. In Joel Krieger [ed.]. The Oxford Companion to Politics of the World. 2nd edition. Oxford University Press, New York: 517-518.
    • Editor’s Note. In Memoirs of Khatijah Sidek. Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi: 11-12.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Reinventing Malaysia: Reflections on Its Past and Future. Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi: 7-11.
    • Malaysian Debacle: Whose Fault?. In Ha-Joon Chang, Gabriel Palma and D. Hugh Whittaker [eds]. Financial Liberalization and the Asian Crisis. Palgrave, Houndmills: 102-123.
    • Said Zahari: No Cowardly Past/A Malayan Hero. Foreword to Dark Clouds At Dawn. by Said Zahari. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur: xxxii-xxxiv.
    • Preface: Lim Chin Siong – The Man and His Moment. In Tan Jing Quee and Jomo K.S. [eds]. Comet In Our Sky: Lim Chin Siong In History. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur: vi-ix.
    • Public Intellectuals in Malaysia and in the Region. API Newsletter, 1, June: 14-15.
    • Remembering Ishak Shari, 1948-2001. API Newsletter, 2, December: 9.
    • Introduction: Growth and Structural Change in the Second-tier Southeast Asian NICs. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Southeast Asia’s Industrialization. Palgrave, Houndmills: 1-29.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. and Shyamala Nagaraj [eds]. Globalization Versus Development: Heterodox Perspectives. Palgrave, Houndmills: xvii-xvii.
    • Implications of the GATT Uruguay Round for the Malaysian Economy(with Mohamed Aslam Gulam Hassan). In Jomo K. S. and Shyamala Nagaraj [eds]. Globalization Versus Development: Heterodox Perspectives. Palgrave, Houndmills: 26-58.
    • Industrial Financing Options: Lessons for Malaysia (with Chin Kok Fay). In Jomo K. S. and Shyamala Nagaraj [eds]. Globalization Versus Development: Heterodox Perspectives. Palgrave, Houndmills: 140-160.
    • International Financial Liberalisation and the Crisis of East Asian Development. In Jomo K. S. and Shyamala Nagaraj [eds]. Globalization Versus Development: Heterodox Perspectives. Palgrave, Houndmills: 188-216.
    • Global Social Policy Forum. Global Social Policy. 1 (2): 160-162.
    • Governance, rent-seeking and private investment in Malaysia. In J. Edgardo Campos [ed.]. Corruption: The Boom and Bust of East Asia. Ateneo de Manila University Press, Manila: 131-162.
    • Growth after the Asian Crisis: What remains of the East Asian model? Reprinted in Hans Singer, Neelambar Hatti and Rameshwar Tandon [eds]. The NICs after the Asian Crisis. Ch. 48. New World Order series vol. 23. B.R. Publishing, New Delhi.
    • Globalization, Export-Oriented Industrialization, Female Employment Ad Equity In East Asia. Paper prepared for the UNRISD Project on ‘Globalization, Export-Oriented Employment for Women and Social Policy’, October, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, Geneva.

2002

    • Capital Controls: The experience of Malaysia. World Economics, 3 (1), January-March: 125-143.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Ugly Malaysians? South-South Investments Abused. Institute for Black Studies, Durban: 1-8.
    • Southeast Asia: From Miracle To Debacle. In Luigi Tomba [ed.]. East Asian Capitalism: Conflicts, Growth and Crisis. Annali della Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, No. XXXVI, Feltrinelli, Milan: 3-36.
    • The Political Economy of Malaysian Federalism: Economic Development, Public Policy and Conflict Containment (with Wee Chong Hui). WIDER Discussion Paper No. 2002/113, November.
    • Asian Values and the East Asian Crisis. Coordinated by Candido Mendes. Enrique Rodriguez Larreta [ed.]. Identity and Difference in the Global Era. Editora Universidade Candido Mendes, Rio de Janeiro for UNESCO/ISSC/EDUCAM: 331-342.

2003

    • From Financial Liberalization To Crisis in Malaysia (with Chin Kok Fay). In Chung H. Lee [ed.]. Financial Liberalization and the Economic Crisis in Asia. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 104-132.
    • Social Policy, Financial Crisis and Macroeconomic Response. In Katherine Marshall and Olivier Butzbach [eds]. New Social Policy Agendas for Europe and Asia: Challenges, Experiences, and Lessons. World Bank, Washington DC: 111-112.
    • Growth with Equity in East Asia?. In Jayati Ghosh & C. P. Chandrasekhar [eds]. Work and Well-being in the Age of Finance: Muttukadu Papers 1. Tulika, New Delhi: 410-468.
    • Growth and vulnerability before and after the Asian crisis – The fallacy of the universal model. In Martin Andersson and Christer Gunnarsson [eds]. Development and Structural Change in Asia-Pacific: Globalising miracles or end of a model? RoutledgeCurzon, London: 170-197.
    • Reforming East Asia for Sustainable Development. Asian Business & Management, 2 (1), April: 7-38. Reprinted in Thomas Clarke and Marie Dela Rama [eds] (2006). Corporate Governance and Globalisation. Volume II: Development and Regulation. Routledge, London: 280-310.
    • Introduction: Southeast Asia’s Ersatz Miracle. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Southeast Asian Paper Tigers? From Miracle To Debacle And Beyond. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 1-18.
    • Growth with Equity In East Asia?. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Southeast Asian Paper Tigers? From Miracle To Debacle And Beyond. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 196-219.
    • New Approaches To Investment Policy in the ASEAN 4 (with Greg Felker). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Southeast Asian Paper Tigers? From Miracle To Debacle And Beyond. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 81-135.
    • Financial Governance And Crisis In Southeast Asia (with Natasha Hamilton-Hart). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Southeast Asian Paper Tigers? From Miracle To Debacle And Beyond. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 220-279.
    • Rethinking Economic Discrimination. American Economic Review. 93 (2): 338-342.
    • Capital Flows Into and From Malaysia. In Stephany Griffith-Jones, Ricardo Gottschalk and Jacques Cailloux [eds]. International Capital Flows in Calm and Turbulent Times: The Need for New International Architecture. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, MI: 107-161.
    • Introduction (with Ken Togo). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Manufacturing Competitiveness: How Internationally Competitive National Firms And Industries Developed In East Asia. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 1-17.
    • Industrial Policy And The Emergence Of Internationally Competitive Manufacturing Firms In Malaysia (with Rajah Rasiah, Rokiah Alavi, Jaya Gopal). In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Manufacturing Competitiveness: How Internationally Competitive National Firms And Industries Developed In East Asia. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 106-172.
    • Uneven Development and Relative Surplus Population: A Conceptual Outline. In Bernard Founou-Tchuigoua, Sams Dine Sy & Amady A. Dieng [eds]. Critical Social Thought for the XXIst Century: Essays in Honour of Samir Amin. L’Harmattan, Paris for Forum du Tiers-Monde: 185-196.
    • The Political Economy of Malaysian Federalism: Economic Development, Public Policy and Conflict Containment (with Wee Chong Hui). Journal of International Development (Special Issue on ‘Explaining Violent Conflict: Going Beyond Greed Versus Grievance’. Edited by Tony Addison and S. Mansoob Murshed) 15 (4): 441-456.
    • Introduction (with Brian Folk). In Jomo K. S. and Brian C. Folk [eds]. Ethnic Business: Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 1-9.
    • Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia. In Jomo K. S. and Brian C. Folk [eds]. Ethnic Business: Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia. RoutledgeCurzon, London: 10-25.
    • Capital management techniques in developing countries (with Gerald Epstein and Ilene Grabel). In Ariel Buira [ed.]. Challenges to the World Bank and IMF: Developing Country Perspectives. Anthem, London: 141-174.
    • Outlook for East Asia: US Dependency and Deflation. In Ann Pettifor [ed.]. Real World Economic Outlook: The Legacy Of Globalization: Debt And Deflation. Palgrave, Houndmills: 104-107.
    • Comments on Zainal Aznam Yusof, ‘Malaysia’s Response to the China Challenge’. Asian Economic Papers, 2 (2): 74-76.
    • Resource Exports and Resource Processing for Export in Southeast Asia (with Michael Rock). In Ernest Aryeetey, Julius Court, Machiko Nissanke, Beatrice Weder [eds]. Asia and Africa in the Global Economy. United Nations University Press, Tokyo: 128-174.
    • Economic Considerations for a Renewed Nationalism. Goft-o-gu (Dialogue between South and South), 37: 69-114 (in Persian).
    • The US and East Asia, Before and After September 11, 2001. In Gyosei Kokubun [ed.]. How is America seen in Asia following September 11. Fiftieth Anniversary International Symposium. Japan Association for Asian Studies (JAAS), Tokyo: chapter 3.
    • Development Economics: Beyond the Washington Consensus. In Poverty and Governance: RAWOO Lectures and 25th Anniversary Conference. Publication No. 26. RAWOO (Netherlands Development Assistance Research Council), Den Haag: 138-141.
    • Malaysia’s September 1998 Controls: Background, Contents, Impacts, Comparisons, Implications, Lessons. G-24 discussion paper, UNCTAD, Geneva. 32pp

2004

    • Crises, Recovery and Reforms in East Asia. In Meghnad Desai and Yahia Said [eds]. Global Governance and Financial Crises. Routledge, London: 83-120.
    • Mahathir’s Economic Policy Legacy. In Bridget Welsh [ed.]. Reflections – The Mahathir Years. Washington DC: Southeast Asia Studies Program, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University: 253-262.
    • Malaysia. In Hadi Soesastro and Jomo K. S. The Outlook for Indonesian and Malaysian Economies 2004. Trends in Southeast Asia Series: 5, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore: 13-19.
    • Malaysia’s September 1998 Controls: Background, Context, Impacts, Comparisons, Implications, Lessons. In Capital Controls in Financial Crises: The Malaysian Experience. The Malaysian Society, University of Essex, Colchester: 10-41.
    • Lessons From The East Asian Crisis of 1997-98. In Bertil Tungodden, Nicholas Stern, and Ivar Kolstad [eds]. Toward Pro-Poor Policies – Aid, Institutions and Globalization. Oxford University Press, New York, for World Bank: 249-278.
    • The U.S. and East Asia, Before and After September 11, 2001. Asian Studies (Aziya Kenkyu) (Japan Association for Asian Studies), 50 (2), April: 24-33.
    • Higashi-Ajia-Moderu-no Nani-ga Nokoronoka (What Remains of the East Asian Model?). In Noguchi Makoto, Hirakawa Hitoshi and Sano Makoto [eds]. Han-gurobarizumu no Kaihatsu Keizaigaku (Beyond Market-Driven Development). Nippon Hyoronsha, Tokyo: 135-156.
    • Usman Awang, Pembela Keadilan [Usman Awang, Advocate of Justice]. In Anwar Ridhwan [ed.]. Usman Awang Yang Saya Kenali [The Usman Awang I Knew]. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur: 115-121.
    • Some East Asian Lessons for African Development. In Alemayehu Seyoum, Assefa Admassie, Befekadu Degefe, Berhanu Nega, Mulat Demeke, Tadesse Biru Kersemeo, Wolday Amha [eds]. Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Ethiopian Economy. Volume 1. Ethiopian Economic Association, Addis Ababa: 281-309.
    • Implications of Economic Neo-Liberalism on Human Security. In Surichai Wun’gaeo [ed.]. Human Security Now: Strengthening Policy Networks in Southeast Asia. Chulalongkorn University Center for Social Development Studies, Bangkok: 26-33.
    • Southeast Asian Developmental States in Comparative East Asian Perspective. In Linda Low [ed.]. Developmental States: Relevancy, Redundancy or Reconfiguration? Nova Science Publishers, Hauppauge, NY: 57-77.
    • Afterword: James Puthucheary, a committed scholar. In James Puthucheary. Ownership and control in the Malayan economy. INSAN, Kuala Lumpur: 184-204.

2005

    • Before the Storm: The Impact of Foreign Capital Inflows on the Malaysian Economy, 1966-1996 (with Wong Hwa Kiong). Journal of Asia-Pacific Economy 10 (1), February: 56-69.
    • Islam, Socialism and Marxism: Clarifying Incompatibilities. In Riaz Hassan [ed.]. Local and Global: Social Transformation in Southeast Asia – Essays in Honour of Professor Syed Hussein Alatas. Brill Social Sciences in Asia 3. Brill, Leiden & Boston: 71-80.
    • Malaysia’s New Economic Policy and ‘National Unity’. In Yusuf Bangura and Rodolfo Stavenhagen [eds]. Racism and Public Policy. Palgrave, Houndmills: 182-214.
    • Capital Management Techniques in Developing Countries (with Gerald Epstein and Ilene Grabel). In Gerald Epstein [ed.]. Capital Flight and Capital Controls in Developing Countries. Edward Elgar, Aldershot: 301-333.
    • What remains of the East Asian model?. In Costas Lapavitsas and Makoto Noguchi [eds]. Beyond Market-Driven Development: Drawing on the experience of Asia and Latin America. Routledge, London: 117-135.
    • Introduction (with Erik Reinert). In Jomo K. S. and Erik Reinert [eds].The Origins of Development Economics: How Schools of Economic Thought Have Addressed Development. Zed Books, London, and Tulika, New Delhi: vii-xxii.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. The Pioneers of Development Economics: Great Economists on Development. Zed Books, London, and Tulika, Delhi: vii-xiii.
    • Economic Reform for Whom?: Beyond the Washington Consensus. post-autistic economics review, 35, 5 December: 11-18. http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue35/Jomo35.htm
    • Pascakolonialisme? Apakah imperialisme sudah mati (Post-colonialism? Is imperialism dead?). In Pascakolonialisme Dalam Pemikiran Melayu (Post-colonialism in Malay thinking). Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur: 37-44.

2006

    • Preface. In Jomo K. S. and Ben Fine [eds]. The New Development Economics: After the Washington Consensus (with Ben Fine). Zed Books, London, and Tulika, New Delhi: vii-xii.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. The Long Twentieth Century — Globalization Under Hegemony: The Changing World Economy. Oxford University Press, New Delhi: 1-29.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. The Long Twentieth Century — The Great Divergence: Hegemony, Uneven Development and Global Inequality. Oxford University Press, New Delhi: 1-24.
    • External liberalization, economic performance, and distribution in Malaysia (with Tan Eu Chye). In Lance Taylor [ed.]. External liberalization in Asia, Post-socialist Europe, and Brazil . Oxford University Press, New York: 232-266.
    • Imperialism is Alive and Well: Globalization and East Asia after September 11. In Craig Calhoun, Frederick Cooper and Kevin W. Moore [eds]. Lessons of Empire: Imperial Histories and American Power. The New Press, New York: 253-268.
    • An Afterword. To Mokhzani Abdul Rahim. Credit in a Malay peasant economy. Arus Intelek, with Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur: 313-332.
    • Macroeconomic policy, growth, redistribution and poverty reduction: the case of Malaysia. In G. A. Cornia [ed.]. Pro-Poor Macroeconomics: Potential and Limitations. Palgrave, Basingstoke: 193-216.
    • Ethnic Discrimination: A Critical Survey of Economic Explanations. In Bruce Corrie and Samuel L. Myers, Jr [eds]. Racial and Ethnic Economic Inequality: An International Perspective. Peter Lang Publishing, New York: 35-45.
    • Pathways through Financial Crisis: Malaysia. Global Governance, 12 (4), October-December: 489-505. (Special issue on ‘Understanding Pathways through Financial Crises and the impact of the IMF ’, edited by Ngaire Woods).
    • The Inequality Predicament. UN Chronicle 43 (1): 51. http://www.un.org/Pubs/chronicle/2006/issue1 /0106p51.htm
    • Economic Development and Regional Cooperation in East Asia. In Indermit Gill, Yukon Huang and Homi Kharas [eds]. East Asian Visions: Perspectives on Economic Development. World Bank, Washington, DC, and Institute of Policy Studies, Singapore: 75-90.
    • After the Washington Consensus: The IMF, World Bank and Economic Development. IPS (Institute of Policy Studies) Newsletter No. 4, October (7 pp)

2007

    • Preface. In Jomo K. S. with Jacques Baudot [eds]. Flat World, Big Gaps: Economic Liberalization, Globalization, Poverty and Inequality. United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang: xvii-xxviii.
    • Growth with equity in East Asia. In Jomo K. S. with Jacques Baudot [eds]. Flat World, Big Gaps: Economic Liberalization, Globalization, Poverty and Inequality United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang: 353-375.
    • Preface. In Jose Antonio Ocampo, Jomo K. S. and Sarbuland Khan [eds]. Policy Matters: Economic And Social Policies To Sustain Equitable Development. United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang: xi-xv.
    • Preface. In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Malaysian Industrial Policy. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore, and University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu: xiii-xxv.
    • Investment Policy In Malaysia (with Greg Felker). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Malaysian Industrial Policy. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore, and University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu: 55-80.
    • Technology Policy In Malaysia (with Greg Felker). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Malaysian Industrial Policy. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore, and University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu: 119-149. Revised version published in International Journal of Technological Learning, Innovation and Development, 1 (2): 153-178.
    • Rent-Seeking And Industrial Policy In Malaysia (with Hasli Hasan). In Jomo K.S. [ed.]. Malaysian Industrial Policy. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore, and University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu: 150-171.
    • Equity in Malaysian health care: an analysis of public health expenditures and health care facilities. In Chee Heng Leng and Simon Barraclough [eds]. Health care in Malaysia: The dynamics of provision, financing and access. Routledge, London: 102-116.
    • Policy space? Overcoming constraints to pursuing national development strategies. In Bhumika Muchhala [ed.]. The policy space debate: Does a Globalized and Multilateral Economy Constrain Development Policies? Asia Program Special Report No. 136, April, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, DC: 8-16.
    • Bringing the South back in: Some thoughts on academic publishing. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 8 (3): 449-453.
    • Making Poverty History? Unequal Development Today. IIAS Newsletter #45: 10-11.
    • What Did We Really Learn from the 1997-98 Asian Debacle? In Bhumika Muchhala [ed.]. Ten years after: Revisiting the Asian Financial Crisis. Asia Program, October, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, DC: 21-37.
    • Financial Liberalisation, Crises and the Role of Capital Controls: The Malaysian Case. Economic and Political Weekly XLII (50), Dec. 15-21: 73-78.
    • Explaining Growth Divergences. In Jose Antonio Ocampo, Jomo K. S. and Robert Vos [eds]. Growth Divergences: Explaining differences in economic performance. United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang: 1-24.
    • Towards full employment and decent work: An introduction. In Jose Antonio Ocampo and Jomo K. S. [eds]. Towards full and decent employment. United Nations Publications, New York, with Zed Books, London, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, and Third World Network, Penang: 1-21.
    • Economic liberalisation and development in Africa. In Paul Tiyambe Zeleza [ed.]. The Study of Africa. Volume II: Global and Transnational Engagements. Codesria, Dakar: 62-85.
    • Poverty Reduction: A Note on Measurement and Policy. In Shankaran Nambiar [ed.]. Reassessing Poverty In Malaysia. Wisdom House, Leeds: 170-187.

2008

    • A Critical Review of the Evolving Privatization Debate. In Gerard Roland [ed.]. Privatization: Successes and Failures. Columbia University Press, New York: 199-212.
    • Concerted action urgently needed to avoid meltdown. IPS UN Journal, 16 (31): 6.
    • The East Asian newly industrializing countries. In Amitava K. Dutt and Jaime Ros [eds]. International Handbook of Development Economics. Volume Two. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham: 569-578 (chapter 70).
    • Preface. In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: vii-xii.
    • Making Malaysia legally (with Wong Sau Ngan). In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: 1-21.
    • The political economy of post-colonial transformation (with Chang Yii Tan). In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: 22-53.
    • Colonial land law and the transformation of Malay peasant agriculture. In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: 129-155.
    • Labour laws and industrial relations (with Vijayakumari Kanapathy). In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: 156-176.
    • Investment and technology policy: Government intervention, regulation and incentives. In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: 177-202.
    • Institutional initiatives for crisis management, 1998 (with Wong Sook Ching). In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. (with Wong Sook Ching). In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: 203-221.
    • Corporate governance reform for East Asia. In Jomo K. S. with Wong Sau Ngan [eds]. Law, Institutions and Malaysian Economic Development. National University of Singapore Press, Singapore: 222-239.
    • Political economy of today’s global hunger, food crisis. SUNS – South-North Development Monitor #6510, 4 July.
    • Lektionen aus der Ostasienkrise. In Karin Kublock and Cornelia Staritz [eds]. Asienkrise: Lektionen gelernt?. VSA Verlag, Hamburg: 127-142.
    • Economic liberalization and constraints to development in sub-Saharan Africa (with Rudiger von Arnim). DESA working paper no. 67, United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, New York.
    • Capital Management Techniques In Developing Countries: Managing Capital Flows in Malaysia, India, and China (with Gerald Epstein and Ilene Grabel). In Jose Antonio Campo and Joseph E. Stiglitz [eds]. Capital Market Liberalization and Development. Oxford University Press, New York: 139-169.
    • The financial crisis and the developing world. Multinational Monitor 29 (3), November/December: 31-33.
    • Trade liberalization for development? (with Rudiger von Arnim). Economic and Political Weekly 43 (48), 29 November: 11-12.
    • Trade theory status quo despite Krugman (with Rudiger von Arnim). Economic and Political Weekly 43 (49), 6 December: 29-31.
    • The Marshall Plan at 60: The General’s Successful War On Poverty. UN Chronicle (with Erik Reinert) http://www.un.org/Pubs/chronicle/2008/webarticles/080103_marshallplan.html
    • Inequality and Economic Development. UN Chroniclehttp://www.un.org/ Pubs/chronicle/2008/webarticles/080226_economic_development.html
    • The Climate Change Challenge. UN Chronicle http://www.un.org/Pubs/ chronicle/2008/webarticles/080226_climate_challenge.html

2009

    • Causes of the 1997-1998 East Asian Crises and Obstacles to Implementing Lessons. In Richard W. Carney [ed.]. Lessons from the Asian Financial Crisis. Routledge, London: 33-63 (chapter 3).
    • Export-oriented Industrialization, Female Employment and Gender Wage Equity in East Asia. Economic and Political Weekly 44 (1), 3 January: 41-49.
    • Trade liberalization and economic development. Science (American Academy for the Advancement of Science) v. 323, 9 January: 211-212.
    • How the global crisis struck. New Agenda, 34, second quarter: 16-20.
    • Good governance, anti-corruption and economic development. In Robert I. Rotberg [ed.]. Corruption, Global Security, and World Order. Brookings Institution, Washington, DC, for American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and World Peace Foundation, Cambridge, MA: 457-468.
    • Financial liberalization, crises and the role of capital controls: The Malaysian case. In Jayati Ghosh and C. P. Chandrasekhar [eds]. After Crisis: Adjustment, Recovery And Fragility in East Asia. Tulika Books, New Delhi: 180-190.
    • Foreword 2 – The role of the private sector in fighting corruption: Essential for meeting local and global governance challenges. In Transparency International. Global Corruption Report 2009: Corruption and the Private Sector. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: xx-xxi.
    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Reforming the International Financial System for Development: Lessons from the current and recent crises in developing countries. G24 Intergovernmental Group on International Monetary Affairs and Development, Washington, DC: xiii-xiv.
    • What can the developing world learn from post-colonial Malaysia’s development experience?. In Nungsari Ahmad Radhi and Suryani Senja Alias [eds]. Readings on development: Malaysia 2057: Uncommon voices, common aspirations. Khazanah Nasional, Kuala Lumpur: 263-272.
    • Keynote address at Washington meeting. In The Global Financial Crisis and International Financial Institutions: Governance Perspectives for Developing Countries. InWEnt, Bonn: 51-54.
    • Reconsidering public-private partnerships in developing countries (with Anis Chowdhury). International Journal of Institutions and Economies 1 (2), October: 191-205.
    • Keynote Address. In Report: The Global Financial Crisis – Implications for Women. 8-12 November 2009, Haifa, Israel. Golda Meir Mount Carmel International Training Center, Haifa: 19-27.

2010

    • James Puthucheary, a committed scholar. In Dominic Puthucheary and Jomo K. S. [eds]. James Puthucheary: No Cowardly Past – Writings, Poems, Commentaries. SIRD, Petaling Jaya: 91-112.
    • Lessons from the 2008 World Food Crisis. Economic and Political Weekly 45 (12), 20 March: 35-40.
    • Thematic Forum on Global Challenges – Chair’s Compilation 64th Session of the UN General Assembly Economic and Financial Committee 2009/2010. Permanent Mission of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations, New York: 10-13, 19-21.

2011

    • Introduction. In Jomo K. S. [ed.]. Reforming the International Financial System for Development. Columbia University Press, New York: xiii-xxv.
    • The Global Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development. In Jomo K. S. [ed.].Reforming the International Financial System for Development. Columbia University Press, New York: 55-83.
    • Lessons from Privatization. In ISIS [ed.]. Malaysia: Policies and Issues in Economic Development. Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: 329-364 (with Jeff Tan).
    • Introduction. In Jomo Kwame Sundaram and Anis Chowdhury [eds]. Poor Poverty: The impoverishment of analysis, measurement and policies. Bloomsbury Academic in association with the United Nations, London and New York: 1-10 (with Anis Chowdhury).
    • The Global Green New Deal. World Policy Journal, XXVIII (1), Spring: 6.
    • Structural Causes and Consequences of the 2008-2009 Financial Crisis. (with Felice Noelle Rodriguez). In Craig Calhoun and Georgi Derlugian [eds]. Aftermath: A New Global Economic Order? Social Science Research Council and New York University Press, New York: 97-117.
    • The G20 and Development: From Financial Stability to Sustained Growth. In Colin I. Bradford and Wonhyuk Lim [eds]. Global Leadership In Transition: Making the G20 More Effective and Responsive. Korea Development Institute, Seoul, and Brookings Institution Press, Washington, DC: 191-200.
    • Multilateralism, the United Nations and global governance. In The United Nations in Global Governance: A Latin American and Caribbean perspective. ECLAC and Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Gobierno de Chile, Santiago: 49-54.
    • Reforming the International Monetary ‘Non-System’. In Werner Puschra and Sara Burke [eds]. New Directions for International Financial & Monetary Policy: Reducing Inequality for Shared Societies. September, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, New York: 17-19.

2012

  • Globalization in Asia: Myths and realities and Response. In Khoo Boo Teik and Tatsuya Tanami [eds]. Asia – Identity, Vision and Position. Asian Public Intellectuals Fellowships Program, The Nippon Foundation, Tokyo: 82-103.
  • Economic Liberalization and Constraints to Development in Sub-Saharan Africa (with Rudiger von Arnim). In Akbar Noman, Kwesi Botchwey, Howard Stein and Joseph E Stiglitz [eds]. Good Growth and Governance in Africa: Rethinking Development Strategies. Oxford University Press, New York: 499-535.
  • Rethinking Poverty. In Isabel Ortiz, Louise Moreira Daniels and Sólrún Engilbertsdóttir [eds]. Child Poverty And Inequality: New Perspectives. UNICEF, New York: 63-68.
  • Reflections on UNCTAD annual review with an attitude. In Trade and Development Report, 1981-2011: Three decades of thinking development. UNCTAD, Geneva: 113-117.

Unpublished

  • State and Market in Economic Development: Southeast Asian Industrial Policy in Comparative East Asian Perspective. In Joao Carlos Ferraz, Jose Antonio Ocampo, Ippei Yamazawa [eds]. Promoting Growth and Welfare: The Role of Institutions and Structural Change in Asia. Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo and Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Santiago, and Instituto de Economia Latin America y el Caribe, Rio de Janeiro.
  • Ethnic Redistribution, State Intervention and Economic Liberalization in Malaysia: The New Economic Policy and After
  • Public Enterprises in Malaysia
  • Price Liberalisation and Farmer Welfare in Malaysia (with Aziz Rahman)
  • Social Indicators of Malaysian Development (with Chang Yii Tan)
  • Economic Liberalisation and Labour in Malaysia (with V. Kanapathy) for International Labour Office, Geneva.
  • La nouvelle politique economique Malaysiene (The Malaysian New Economic Policy). In Jean-Louis Margolin [ed.]. Malaysia-Singapore: Le Fer de Lance de l’Asie du Sud-Est. L’Harmattan, Paris.

PERSONAL DETAILS

  • Date of birth: 11 December 1952
  • Gender: Male
  • Place of Birth: Penang, Malaysia
  • Nationality: Malaysian
  • Family: Married to Noelle Rodriguez, 3 children (Nadia, born 12/08/87; Emil, born 09/06/89; Leal, born 06/04/90)

Malaysia: Credibility and the Search for a New Developmental Model


May 28, 2012

Asia-Pacific.anu.edu,au

Malaysia: Credibility and the Search for a New Developmental Model

by Greg Felker (05-26-12)

In comparative politics the word “regime” refers to the formal and informal institutions by which political power is acquired and exercised. In political economy, a regime refers to an enduring combination of “socio-economic alliances, political-economic institutions, and a public-policy profile” (Pempel 1998: 20).

In the case of Malaysia, the Barisan Nasional (BN) regime’s durability in the former, political sense has been closely associated with a particular sort political economy, or regime in the second sense. Despite significant changes over the years, Malaysia’s hegemonic-party political system, centered on United Malays National Organisaion’s (UMNO) dominance, has since the early 1970s practiced a form of developmentalism that has shaped Malaysian society in profound ways.

As the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) understands, its challenge to the BN’s national political monopoly is inescapably a contest about Malaysia’s economic development model, as well. To what extent, and in what ways, does the prospect of change in Malaysia’s political regime imply a change in the country’s pattern of development?

Contemporary debates make clear the close connection between political contestation and economic policy choices. Indeed, one of the UMNO-led government’s vulnerabilities is a sense, growing in recent years, that the Malaysian development miracle has wavered and, for large segments of the population, inadequately fulfilled its promise of a steadily improving quality of life.

The notion of the “middle-income trap”, first popularised in a global context by Geoffrey Garret in 2004, quickly became a frame for discussions of possible policy reform within Malaysia and among foreign observers. Two themes have been prominent in these discussions. One is the issue of the quality of governance as this affects broader economic efficiency and productivity. Second is the mooted necessity of a broad liberalisation of restrictions and regulations to enable greater flexibility and entrepreneurial dynamism. In both areas, the opposition and pro-reform civil society organisations have made telling critiques of the incumbent leadership.

For its part, Najib Razak’s administration has launched a series of reform initiatives under the New Economic Model (NEM) that speak to the same concerns about governance and the structural challenges to Malaysia’s continued economic development. This dimension of the new competitiveness in Malaysia’s politics adds programmatic substance to a political tableau in which mass protest, scandal, and cultural controversies have comprised much of the drama.

PR has sought to highlight evidence of deterioration in the quality of Malaysian governance. Within that broad rubric, PR officials have pointed to figures on budgetary ‘leakage’, capital outflows, and investor perception surveys as evidence of substantial corruption. For its part, the Najib administration has pledged to implement a Government Transformation Program (GTP) to foster a more responsive, decentralised, and efficient system.

A major focus of the liberalisation debate concerns the impact of preferential policies (still widely referred to as the New Economic Policy/NEP) for Malaysia’s Bumiputera majority. A range of academic and policy studies have argued that the NEP has hindered a shift towards knowledge- or innovation-based development by restricting the development and availability of relevant, highly-skilled workforce talent (Henderson & Philips 1997; Woo 2009; World Bank 2011).

The PR’s agenda, as laid out in its 2010 Buku Jingga (Orange Book), pledges to replace NEP-style preferences with a set of income-focused welfare policies, noting that their disproportionate representation among the poor means that Malays would be the primary beneficiaries. The government’s Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) makes more qualified pledges to reform the administration of preferential policies, including a parallel emphasis on assisting lower-income Malaysians through a revamped safety net.

Given that both the opposition and government have recognised these issues and advanced proposals for change, the credibility of reformist pledges becomes politically important. The government’s influence over the mainstream media enables it to tout its progress, as when it has highlighted declines in certain crime statistics, or as when the World Bank’s 2012 Ease of Doing Business Report ranked Malaysia’s regulatory environment as significantly improved.

The degree to which these claims of change are felt at the grass roots level, or credited by key segments of the electorate, is another matter. Such assurances have been a recurrent theme at the advent of each new UMNO administration (think of Mahathir Mohamed’s pledge upon assuming the premiership to make government bersih/clean, cekap/efficient, amanah/trustworthy). The PR’s record of economic management in the states that it governs is a potentially significant source of credibility, though state governments’ control over key factors in the cost of living is limited (the Buku Jingga pledges that a PR Federal government would renationalise or heavily regulate privatised utilities.)

One arena in which credibility plays a particularly crucial role concerns Malaysia’s large diaspora, which consists of anywhere from half a million to a million persons, many of whom are educated or highly-skilled. According to the World Bank (2011), the stream of Malaysians going abroad quasi-permanently constitutes a serious “brain drain” for an economy whose chief constraint is the supply of skilled human capital. At the same time, the diaspora is a potential resource for development if it could be tapped by inducing Malaysians to return from abroad, or simply to invest some of their accumulated capital, knowledge, or business connections in their homeland.

The ETP acknowledged the problem’s seriousness, and the government established a Talent Corporation to cultivate interest among the diaspora in contributing to Malaysia’s development. Senior government ministers have been highly visible in this thrust, making frank comments and pledging basic change. As for the opposition, during a recent visit to Australia, DAP chief Lim Guan Eng argued that the PR government he leads in Penang represents the prospect of a genuine shift in terms of the freedom for upward mobility that reverse migrants might enjoy in within Malaysia. These efforts’ high public profile underscores the political premium that attaches to the credibility of vows to make a break with the established pattern of extensive government influence over professional opportunities in Malaysia’s state-led development model.

If credible claims to liberalise government influence in business and professional life were the sole point of contention, the opposition would seem to have a natural advantage. However, other important concerns shadow public discussion about the reforms needed to escape the middle-income trap and attain developed-economy status. The prospect of growing inequality is one such concern, and a crucial one. Indeed, much evidence from around the world suggests that the shift to a knowledge-based economy tends to exacerbate economic, social, and regional inequalities quite significantly.

This reality creates tensions between distributional and growth goals in any growth-oriented economic reform agenda. Thus, the opposition’s focus on corruption and mal-governance as a source of Malaysia’s economic weakness, however much traction it might or might not gain in the face of the government’s own bid to claim reformist credit, can only be a part of a viable platform.

Cleaner and more responsive government, and more competitive conditions for big business, especially in infrastructure and public services, are important focal points of debate, and are generally unifying themes for a diverse opposition. Yet, alone they are unlikely to prove sufficient to persuade key elements of the electorate that the opposition has a compelling alternative growth model. Likewise with proposals to revamp the safety net in order to better protect the vulnerable segments of society. As the welfare components of both the government and opposition platforms testify, such promises are important to reassure key potential swing constituencies, those who are more rural and/or economically downscale, that reform will not come at their expense. Even many middle class Malaysians, however, evince mixed sentiments about the prospect of far-reaching liberalisation of the system of subsidies and preferential policies that have girded the Malaysian political economy under BN rule.

It is notable that the PR government in Kedah, led by PAS, has stated that its agenda will not be bound by the Buku Jingga, presumably because its perceived liberalism might make it controversial amongst that government’s supporters.Themes of improved governance and liberalisation of heavy-handed regulation must ultimately be woven into a broader vision of an alternative development regime, one in which initiatives to regain the economy’s upward growth momentum simultaneously generate widely distributed opportunity. Human capital, and the education and training system, are obviously central to such a program (Ritchie 2010).

The Buku Jingga proposes liberalising and depoliticising higher education, and pledges to expand access with lower cost. Even more important is the harder, more complex task of reforming primary and secondary education system. Here the Buku Jingga offers aspirational goals related to teacher pay and assessment, yet the complexities and costs of raising the quality of instruction will inevitably be high. In particular, such changes must be carefully related to curriculum reform, to shift from rote learning to encourage creative and independent thinking skills.

Making deep reforms quickly will be difficult in a context where primary education has been integral to the socio-cultural identity and dignity of Malaysia’s various communities. In this area, too, the government has also bid to claim a reformist mantle.

In the shorter term, fostering return-migration has been identified, by the government, opposition, and many academic observers, as a key means of addressing the human capital needs of a reinvigorated development push. This also will require careful management in both policy and political terms. At present, the focus is on the challenge of inducing the Malaysian diaspora to return or otherwise contribute to the nation’s economic advance. Should such efforts succeed, however, new questions of fairness and equity among professional ranks are likely to emerge, as Singapore’s experience with popular criticism of its program to recruit “global talent” illustrates.

This potential was evident in the opposition’s response to the government’s offer to the skilled Malaysian diaspora of a reduced income tax rate as an incentive for repatriation; DAP chief Lim called for the lower rate to apply to all experts in relevant high-technology fields, including those who have pursued careers at home.

Finally, other types of policy intervention will continue to be important to a politically compelling development agenda. Prominent among these are programs to build workforce skills, enhance investment in pre-commercial but economically relevant research and development, diffuse information technology through infrastructure upgrading, training, and small and medium scale enterprises (SME) extension services, and the fostering of local entrepreneurship in high growth sectors. The government’s efforts in these areas have often been criticised as bureaucratic and disconnected from private business priorities. Yet, rapid regulatory liberalisation, and a much-reduced government role, alone are unlikely to result in an accelerated transition to a knowledge-based economy.

South Korea’s rise as a leader in broadband infrastructure and IT-enabled business is a case in point. Notwithstanding the 1990s reforms that sought to limit collusion between government and the big-business chaebol, the new phase of IT-based development involved strong state policy leadership in building infrastructure, investing in human capital, and subsidising technology development and adoption (Lee 2007). In general, then, the rubric for reform in Malaysia will be as much about how to utilise the government’s economic and technology agencies more effectively, and in ways seen as accessible and relevant to the public, as about how to lighten the heavy hand of state intervention.

The challenges facing Malaysia, and any parties seeking to govern it, thus go beyond needs for liberalisation and greater government transparency and efficiency, as crucial as those reform goals might be. Rather, they involve articulating an alternative form of a developmental agenda, one that integrates distributional concerns with the sort of productivity-enhancing measures advocated by those focused on the putative middle-income trap. The challenges involved in formulating and communicating this sort of agenda are not small. Without such a vision and credible claims to be able to implement it, though, laudable reform goals related to transparency and accountability may not be enough to mobilise and retain the support of important segments of the Malaysian electorate.

Malaysia’s modern history includes a powerful, ongoing legacy of developmentalism. For all the critiques of the pathologies of excessive government meddling, it’s a mode of politics whose relevance is reinforced by contemporary exigencies of globalisation and technological change, and their impacts on key social constituencies. If the new space for political contestation is to yield regime transition of one kind or another, a key element will be the competition to “do development” better.

Greg Felker is Associate Professor of Politics at Willamette University in Salem, Oregon, USA. He previously served on the faculty of the Hong Kong University of Science & Technology, and has been a visitor at the University of Maryland and Chulalongkorn University. He received his M.P.A. and Ph.D from Princeton University.

References:

Garrett, G. (2004). Globalization’s Missing Middle, Foreign Affairs. 83: 84-96.
Henderson, J. and R. Phillips (2007). “Unintended consequences: social policy, state institutions and the ‘stalling’ of the Malaysian industrialization project.” Economy and Society 36(1): 78-102.

Lee, Sang M. “Information Technology and Economic Development Strategy.” Globalization and Change in Asia. Eds. Dennis A.

Rondinelli and John M. Heffron. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2007. 109-126.

Malaysia, National Economic Advisory Council (2010). New Economic Model for Malaysia.

Pempel, T. J. (1998). Regime Shift: comparative dynamics of the Japanese political economy. Ithaca, N.Y., Cornell University Press.

Ritichie, Bryan (2010). Systemic Vulnerability and Sustainable Economic Growth: Skills and Upgrading in Southeast Asia. Northampton, MA. Edward Elgar.

Woo, Wing Thye (2009). Getting Malaysia Out of the Middle-Income Trap, unpublished paper, University of California, Davis.

World Bank (2011). Malaysia Economic Monitor: Brain Drain. April. Washington, D.C.

Najib at Dataran Merdeka with Peniaga-peniaga kecil


May 28, 2012

BERSIH3.0 Rally costs  Peniaga-peniaga Kecil “millions”, says PM Najib

by Nigel Aw (05-27-12) @http://www.malaysiakini.com

Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak tonight blasted the BERSIH 3.0 rally for allegedly costing petty traders “millions” in losses during the mammoth rally for electoral reform on April 28.

NONEStanding at the very same site that the BERSIH3.0 rally had been banned from holding their rally, Najib told close to 10,000 petty traders and small business owners, without directly naming BERSIH, that this could have been avoided if it had accepted the offer to use the Merdeka Stadium or Bukit Jalil Stadium.

“Who threw sand into the rice bowl of traders? They did not care that traders would suffer. Already when there is rain, traders cannot do their business, the noodles, vegetables and hundreds of eggs all would have been a waste.But now this done by people, millions of ringgit have been lost by the traders,” he said to the crowd gathered at Dataran Merdeka this evening.

This group must be protected and the BN government will continue to defend them, he said to cheers from the ground. Najib added that the rally tonight was an exemplary example and proved that traders could rally peacefully and in a cultured manner.

“If we want to ask traders to go to the streets, to create chaos, can we?” he asked, as the crowd shouted in reply, “Yes!”But traders respect the law and show a good image, they want peace and harmony and today we gather peacefully not only to make a statement but to show the traders’ strength,” he added.

Traders plied with goodies

Capitalising on the unhappiness of some petty traders who had protested at BERSIH co-chairperson Ambiga Sreenevasan’s house, the premier announced a string of goodies.

NONEAmong them is a slash in the licence registration and renewal fee for individual and group traders to a one off RM50 payment for a five-year period, from the usual RM150 to RM300 per annum.

Also included is a 50 percent ‘discount’ for compounds relating to offences such as late renewal of licences, to take effect from June 1 to Dec 31 this year.

“The government is also looking to update the database of traders to introduce a group insurance. If traders fall sick, they do not have social security; therefore the burden for treatment is costly. Therefore we are thinking to protect traders not only during good times and bad times,” he said.

He added that if petty traders and small businesses have any grouses, they can now direct it to the Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumerism Ministry.

The slew of announcements was welcomed with chants of “Hidup BN” from the floor.

NONE“You have the power to decide the future of our country. Use that right and power. Ask yourselves, who has defended you all this while?

“Who has prepared microcredit loans and infrastructure for petty traders? Who has provided the facilities if not BN?” he said.

The rally tonight was one day shy of the BERSIH3.0 protest anniversary, which organisers claimed drew some 250,000 participants to the streets of KL to demand clean and fair elections.Simultaneous rallies nationwide and globally also drew thousands.

Aside from supporting some petty traders’ claims that they have allegedly suffered losses as a result of the protest, the government has also filed a civil suit against the BERSIH3.0 organisers for RM122,000 in damages it has allegedly suffered.

Joceline is back, and this time on Mahathir


May 27, 2012

Joceline is back, and this time on Mahathir

The X-factor in Dr M

Insight
By Joceline Tan@http://www.thestar.com.my

Former premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad has faced many critical elections but the next general election will see him fighting like never before.

TUN Dr Mahathir Mohamad is quite used to people telling him that he looks good for his age. He will be 87 in a couple of months and at a recent function in Kedah, he joked: “People tell me I look young but the fact is I am going to be 87 soon. Even if I switch the numbers from 87 to 78, that is still old. There is no running from it.”

But, said Sungai Tiang assemblywoman Suraya Yaakob, the former Premier’s schedule in Kedah over the last few months has resembled that of a 50-year-old man’s rather than that of a man in his 80s.

“He is determined to help us win in Kedah,” said Suraya. Dr Mahathir’s trips to Kedah used to be confined to what some call his other love, Langkawi, where he would hop into a car and drive himself to his appointments, meet people and look at the development.

But he is said to be on the campaign trail in Kedah. Last weekend, he addressed a gathering of Kedah UMNO grassroots leaders in Alor Setar where many faces who had been missing from the political scene since 2008 were there for him. They included people who had felt slighted by the previous leadership or what the Malays would describe as merajuk. They had been inactive or had kept a low profile and Dr Mahathir is trying to draw them out of inactivity.

Among them was Datuk Seri Syed Razak Syed Zain who was replaced as Mentri Besar in 2005 after a stroke. Since then, he had avoided UMNO events in Kedah. He has aged and lost weight, his left hand looks stiff and he drags his left leg when he walks but apart from that, he was his usual garrulous self.

His appearance on stage, seated beside Dr Mahathir, was yet another sign of the shift taking place on the ground.

Syed Razak was dropped as a candidate in 2008 and Kubang Rotan, the seat he had held since 1995, fell to PAS. He is a Mahathir man and had been the strongman in the Kuala Kedah Division. It is no secret that his supporters resented the way he was ousted. As a result, PAS and PKR made a clean sweep in his area in the 2008 election, winning the Parliamentary as well as the three State seats.

Syed Razak was a popular Mentri Besar, the sort whose house is open to all and sundry. He could speak the northern style Hokkien and frequents the Chinese kopitiam to chat with the local folk.

Dr Mahathir had personally called him two months ago to ask him to throw his weight behind Kedah UMNO again, especially in Kuala Kedah where he has family, friends and supporters and to get them to come out for the party in the election.

But several big names were missing, among them Padang Terap chief and former Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Mahdzir Khalid, who was overseas with the King. Kulim Bandar Baru chief Datuk Aziz Sheikh Fadzir, whose elder brother Tan Sri Kadir suddenly quit UMNO last month, was also overseas.

Kubang Pasu chief Datuk Johari Baharum was also absent which was not surprising. Johari is still in Dr Mahathir’s bad books for his role in blocking the elder man’s bid to be a delegate to the 2006 UMNO general assembly.

When told of Johari’s absence, Dr Mahathir had said: “Well, he does not like me so much, I also don’t like him that much. But if he is picked as a candidate, I will still vote for him.”

Party man

It was his way of telling those present that he has not forgiven Johari but the party is bigger than the individual and as a party man, he is prepared to overlook his feelings about Johari. Dr Mahathir understands Kedah politics very well. He knows that sabotage is the eighth of the Seven Deadly Sins in UMNO.

As such, when speaking to the gathering, he asked the Division Chiefs on the stage to stand up and pledge that they would not indulge in sabotage if they were not picked as election candidates. They rose to their feet and raised their hands high above their heads; some were enthusiastic and raised both hands but there were a few hands that were neither up nor down.

However, political pledges are not etched in stone and Dr Mahathir quipped in the Kedah slang, “Depa janji ini boleh pakai tak?” (Is this a serious promise?)

The fall of Kedah came as a great shock to him; it was something he did not think he would see in his lifetime. Many attributed the defeat in Kedah to his fight with Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and the fact he had resigned from UMNO.

“Kedah people were not happy to see him treated that way. There were UMNO members who did not go out to vote,” said a senior Kedah civil servant.

For more than a year after Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak came in as Prime Minister, there was endless chatter in a pro-Pakatan Rakyat news portal that Dr Mahathir was trying to topple Najib the way he had tried to get rid of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. It didn’t make any sense but that was what subscribers to the news portal wanted to believe and the portal churned out the reports until they died a natural death.

Mahathir wants Anwar Out

It is crystal clear by now that the man Dr Mahathir wants out is none other than Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. He will do what it takes to stop Anwar from becoming Prime Minister. He has said some pretty outrageous stuff about Anwar which the latter has not rebutted. The PKR de facto leader knows he cannot take on Dr Mahathir.

And it is not only Dr Mahathir who wants Najib to win the next general election; Tun Dr Siti Hasmah Mohd Ali is also rooting for Najib. The couple are committed to UMNO.

During the big UMNO anniversary bash at the Bukit Jalil Stadium, the former First Lady lost her usual composure and was overwhelmed by emotion. She was crying openly as those seated nearby passed her wads of tissue.

Dr Siti Hasmah had been deeply shocked and upset over the violence and vandalism that erupted at the BERSIH protests. The gentle being in her saw it as some form of social breakdown and disintegration.

According to Wanita UMNO veteran Tan Sri Napsiah Omar, the atmosphere at the UMNO gathering, the deafening roars from the crowd for Dr Mahathir and the focus of Najib’s speech touched Dr Siti Hasmah deep within and the dam broke. When Najib went up to her after his speech, she gave him a motherly hug and kissed him on the cheek.

“I think what she saw that evening helped restore her spirits,” said Napsiah. Dr Mahathir has also been addressing UMNO groups in Selangor and Penang.

“Tun Mahathir is a big political factor for us. He was outside UMNO in 2008, that cost us votes. He has impact, influence and relevance. Not many can be that age and still be fighting,” said Selangor Barisan coordinator Datuk Seri Mohd Zin Mohamed.

Seen it, done it

What the elder statesman says carries weight because he’s been there, seen it, done it. And he has been right on more occasions than he has been wrong. And as he has willingly admitted on several occasions, “my big mistake was picking Anwar”.

Dr Mahathir’s hosts in Penang last Sunday were the UMNO Veterans Club of Penang and the key man behind it was no less than Fadzil Shuib, a die-hard Mahathir admirer.

“The veterans in UMNO have a big role in the election. We figure that each veteran can bring in at least 10 votes from his wife, children, grandchildren and their in-laws. That’s what we are looking at,” said Fadzil who is also president of the Tanjong Malays Association.

UMNO is also turning to Mubarak, an association comprising former Barisan elected representatives, for help. Many of those in this association were elected during Dr Mahathir’s administration and he will be playing a role in rallying their support and commitment.

Some in UMNO think Dr Mahathir is going all out in Kedah because his son Datuk Mukhriz is said to be the forerunner for the Mentri Besar post. But at the Alor Setar event, he did not make a single reference to his son who was also seated on the stage. Going by his speech and body language, it was as though Kedah UMNO chief Datuk Ahmad Bashah Md Hanipah was on course to become the Mentri Besar in the event of a win.

The Mahathir name has a certain magic in Kedah. When Suraya invited Mukhriz to her constituency during Chinese New Year, many Chinese ladies, old and young, poured out to meet “anak Mahathir” in the flesh. They held on to his hand and peered at his face, as though looking for any resemblance to his famous father; they probably noticed his father has more hair and is handsomer to boot.

One elderly lady in a wheelchair held his face in her hands and petted his smooth cheek. Mukhriz, who is Jerlun MP and a Deputy Minister, is seen as some sort of game changer in Kedah because of his appeal among the Mahathir admirers, the young who grew up with him as Prime Minister and, well, the senior Chinese ladies.

“Many Chinese here used to say that Tun Mahathir brought them business luck when he was the PM. They said he gave them good fengshui,” said Suraya.

When Suraya met Dr Mahathir at a Mubarak dinner in Alor Setar earlier this month, she teased him about his hectic schedule: “Bini tak marah ke?” (Did your wife scold you?)

“He had a good laugh. I know Tun Hasmah would not approve of the hectic pace, especially after his last heart surgery,” said Suraya. He told Suraya that if they want to invite him for programmes, they should hand the invitations personally to him because “my family hijacks some of my letters, they want me to rest at home”.

Resting at home is the last thing on Dr Mahathir’s mind at the moment. Like every politician in the country, his mind is on the general election.

Besides, he is not the sit-at-home-and-shake-legs kind of guy. A day after his UMNO meetings in Kedah and Penang, he jetted off to Tokyo where he is a must-have personality at the annual Nikki Conference. He returns today to start another full week.

Dr Mahathir has faced his share of critical general elections but the next one is the most daunting even though he is no longer the Prime Minister. This election, he has told many people, is about the survival of UMNO.


My Thoughts on Johan Jaafar and BERSIH3.0


May 27, 2012

My Thoughts on Johan Jaafar and BERSIH3.0

Comment: Dato’ Johan Jaafar’s views on BERSIH3.0 are mainstream and understandably so since he is Chairman, Media Prima, the UMNO company which controls TV3, Utusan Malaysia and The New Straits Times. 

In this article (below), he chose to ignore the fact that BERSIH3.0 was about the quest for free and fair elections and that those 300,000 citizens gathered in Kuala Lumpur acted on their own free will to support BERSIH’s cause. It was a clear message by citizens who came in peace to the government, but that peaceful assembly was marred by brutal repression of the Police and the FRU.

Pictures, videos on youtube, and reports of journalists on the ground to cover the event provide ample evidence of the use of overwhelming force by the Police to punish citizens who dared to assemble despite the Court decision to declare Dataran Merdeka out of bounds, and make the protest illegal.

Remember, those in power who are in a privileged position can decide whether a rally or ceramah is legal or otherwise. Just open the rule book, choose the relevant rule (s), and then determine what is the most advantageous thing to do for their politics. Is that process legitimate?  No, because the right to assemble is embodied in our constitution, the supreme law of our country.

In contrast, today May 27, there will be a big do at Dataran Merdeka for Peniaga-Peniaga Kecil, those who purportedly suffered losses during the April 28 protest, and not for the victims of Police brutality during the protest rally including a young engineer, Azrul Wadi (right), who lost his right eye.

Prime Minister Najib is expected to address our Peniaga-peniaga Kecil at this function and will use it for his politics. Of course, there is no one courageous enough (including Dato Johan himself) to advise the Prime Minister that this event is inappropriate since it can only worsen the prevailing state of animosity existing among various communities in our nation.

Now tell me,  Dato Johan, who is the Don Quixote here, who is the irresponsible and self centered one, who is the one prepared to use race and religion for his politics, and who is the one with imaginary enemies. Are decent, peaceful and patriotic Malaysians his imaginary enemies? For God’s sake,  the reality is that we are the people as voters who will determine the next government.

Finally, I would like to ask Dato Johan in his position and status as Chairman, Media Prima, whether he can “differentiate lies from the truth and falsehood from reality.” I think, Dato Johan is a good spinner who Dr Paul Joseph Goebbels( October 29, 1897 – May 1, 1945) would  be pleased to call his godson.Din Merican

On Being Uncouth and Rethinking Conscience

by Dato Johan Jaafar (05-26-12) –http://www.nst.com.my/www.malaysiatoday.net

DISTORTED PERCEPTIONS: We have become a nation of Don Quixotes, spending too much time fighting imaginary enemies.

The damage has been done. And the country will be further divided. Which is sad. Ambiga probably meant well, but it didn’t turn out that way. She was merely a pawn in a complex game of misguided justice, conspiracy and deceit. She was, in fact used, her agenda hijacked. That irked many among her supporters, the thousands who would like to see real reforms in the electoral process.

 I AM against any attempt to set up stalls in front of Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan’s house. And I deplore anyone exercising with malicious intent there. I dread the day when such acts become a new form of harassment. However, I thank Kuala Lumpur City Hall and the Police for standing firm not to allow them to cause disruption in the area. Ironically, they are the same people Ambiga defied that fateful Saturday when her cause was hijacked by politicians.

I commend the Police for acting professionally to maintain peace in front of her house — as much as they were trying to contain unruly demonstrators at the BERSIH rally in Kuala Lumpur.

City Hall, too, would like to see disgruntled traders reciprocated for their loss of income, but it did not. The officers acted wisely to avoid any untoward incident.

Ambiga must learn a thing or two from this. The law is not meant to be broken by anyone, especially by a lawyer and former president of the Bar Council. The petty traders also can’t say that just because they are ignorant they can break the law. It is, therefore, not their fault to question Ambiga’s double standards on the issue.

The damage has been done. And the country will be further divided. Which is sad. Ambiga probably meant well, but it didn’t turn out that way. She was merely a pawn in a complex game of misguided justice, conspiracy and deceit. She was in fact used, her agenda hijacked. That irked many among her supporters, the thousands who would like to see real reforms in the electoral process.

The Election Commission is not perfect and the BERSIH demands have been a wake-up call for them, too. They are doing a lot of soul-searching themselves. They have to buck up, or else they will lose their credibility. But to be fair to them, many of the allegations are mere hearsay and conjecture. Just because names like Kangkung, Harimau, Machine Gun, Atas Jalan, Batu Tiga or Burung came out on the electoral roll, that does not mean those names are phantom voters. As one newspaper has pointed out, there are in fact bizarre names of real people.

Sadly, we have lost our adab (courtesy) in our pursuit of some things. We have little respect for others. We have lost the willingness to listen to others or to hear the other side of the story. We have made up our minds. There are those who demanded to be heard but were rude in articulating their positions. We have surrendered all notions of hormat (respect), maruah (dignity) and harga diri (self-esteem) when we deal with those who do not agree with us. We snub others just because they represent different views. It is eventually about Us and Them.

And sadly, too, we have become a nation of Don Quixotes — we are simply spending too much time fighting imaginary enemies. Not only that, like Quixote, our perceptions are distorting us. We can’t differentiate lies from the truth and falsehood from reality.

I found the Sinar-Astro Awani debate between UMNO Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin and PKR strategic director Mohd Rafizi Ramli interesting — two young minds arguing their case without fear or favour and with conviction. There is no need to declare the winner, for both are.

Of course, a debate is not judged by the jeering, shouting and clapping of partisan supporters. What is important is that such debates must be encouraged.

The Malays have had a tradition of intellectual discourse since the days of old, continuing into the early 19th century with reformists from Al Azhar University. The Kaum Tua-Kaum Muda debate redefined the intellectual tradition and history of the Malays. They tolerate dissent and differences, with humility, style and finesse.

Sadly, we have become a nation of selfish and self-centred people. We use whatever platforms we have to lambast others. We are allowing the Internet to be a lawless realm. We forget we have laws, ethics and code of morality. We forget adab matters even on the Net. And the possibility of us being sued for libel or worse. Remember, if it is online, you better toe the line, someone advises. Who cares these days?

We have every right to disagree with anyone. This is a democratic country. But there are civilised ways to do it. Putting up stalls in front of people’s houses is not right.

On the other hand, Ambiga should know better the next time she’s contemplating another BERSIH rally. She will offend many people, including the petty traders. She has to question her conscience first.