Din Merican: the Malaysian DJ Blogger
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Deng Xiaoping: The Man Who Took Modernity To China

October 3o, 2011

www.nytimes.com

Deng Xiaoping: The Man Who Took Modernity To China

by David Barboza (10-21-11)

In 1979, just when Americans were beginning to reflect on the ascent of Japan, the Harvard sociologist Ezra F. Vogel (right) wrote his best-selling book, “Japan as Number One: Lessons for America.”

Now 81 and retired from Harvard as a professor emeritus, Mr. Vogel has written an equally compelling study of the rise of another Asian superpower. In “Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China,” he chronicles the life of China’s paramount leader during the 1980s and ’90s and his determined push to open up and modernize the world’s most populated country.

“My book ‘Japan as Number One’ played a role in educating Americans about Japan,” Mr. Vogel said during a recent interview at his home here, a few hundred yards from the Harvard campus. “With this book, I thought I could write something new that would educate Americans about China.”

The book, published last month by Harvard University Press, has already been called a monumental biography of Deng and the most comprehensive survey to date of China’s spectacular but rocky road to economic reform.

Some reviews, however, have accused Mr. Vogel of devoting too little space to Deng’s iron-fisted rule, including his 1989 decision to allow the military to use deadly force against demonstrators in Tiananmen Square.

But other scholars say that Mr. Vogel’s new volume offers a deeply textured portrait of Deng and the reforms he championed. “It’s a major accomplishment,” said David Shambaugh, a leading China scholar who teaches at George Washington University. “This book pushes our knowledge of Deng further. And while much of this information is not necessarily new, this is the first time we’ve seen it all in one place, analyzed with scholarly detachment.”

Deng, of course, was one of the giant political figures of the 20th century and has been credited with setting China on a path that helped lift hundreds of millions out of poverty while reshaping global trade patterns. But only a handful of biographies have been written about the man, among them Richard Evans’s 1993 “Deng Xiaoping and the Making of Modern China.”

Historians have largely focused on Mao, the revolutionary commander-philosopher who led the Communist takeover in 1949. But scholars have begun to conclude that it was Deng (1904-97), Mao’s diminutive and long-suffering lieutenant, who deserves credit for truly reshaping China after Mao’s death.

Few scholars were better positioned to write a biography of Deng than Mr. Vogel, who retired from teaching in 2000. For decades Mr. Vogel had studied China, Japan and the other dragons of East Asia. He traveled to Guangdong Province in southern China in 1987 and 1988, when China began opening its special economic zones to foreigners, to study the reforms.

He had also covered some of this material in his groundbreaking 1969 book, “Canton Under Communism,” a study of Guangdong’s capital in the time after the Communist takeover.

Mr. Vogel, who worked for a decade on this huge biography, spent a year brushing up on his Chinese-language skills with a tutor. (Most of his interviews were conducted in Chinese without an interpreter.) He talked to people close to Deng, including two of his daughters, as well as relatives and aides of Communist leaders like Chen Yun, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, who had worked with Deng. He also talked to former Chinese President Jiang Zemin, who rarely grants interviews.

Mr. Vogel visited Deng’s birthplace in Sichuan Province, as well as remote Jiangxi Province, where Deng was exiled during the Cultural Revolution; consulted all of Deng’s official writings; and was given access to newly released documents from United States and Russian archives.

Mr. Vogel compresses the first 65 years of Deng’s life into 30 pages, offering a sweeping overview of his journey from being the son of a small landlord in Sichuan to his transformation into a Communist revolutionary living in France and Russia, and then on to his role as military commander and, later, Mao’s vice premier.

Deng loosened state controls over the lives of ordinary people, opened the door for Chinese to study overseas and, Mr. Vogel explains, he retreated from Maoist doctrine and Communism without ever really saying so. He lured foreign investors to China and tapped outside expertise to jump-start a largely moribund economy, setting the stage for China’s three-decade-long economic boom.

Much of this happened, Mr. Vogel explains in minute detail, despite stiff opposition from Communist Party elders, some of whom feared the reforms were too aggressive, and others who viewed them as bourgeois liberalization.

Mr. Vogel also writes about Deng’s darker periods, like his role in the “anti-rightist campaign” during the 1950s, which harshly targeted scientists and intellectuals and set the stage for the Great Leap Forward, which led to mass starvation.

And he makes clear that in June 1989 it was Deng who ordered the military action to end demonstrations in and around Tiananmen Square, a course that led to the deaths of hundreds of people and incited international outrage.

The political scientist Richard Baum, a professor emeritus at University of California, Los Angeles, said the book offered an enormous amount of new material about Deng’s leadership and internal power struggles in China during the ’70s. But he also said that those achievements were mildly diminished by sections that read like “an uncritical paean to Deng’s character.” Other critics have been harsher, saying some passages read as if they came from Communist Party headquarters.

During an interview Mr. Vogel defended his work. “This is unfair, because in some places I’m very critical,” he said, noting: “A lot of Americans’ view of Deng is so colored by Tiananmen Square. They think it was horrible. I have the same view. But it’s the responsibility of a scholar to have an objective view.”

With this book, Mr. Vogel said he tried to put Deng’s life in context, to show him as a survivor, obsessed with social and political stability and economic progress.

“Who in the 20th century had more influence on more people?” he asked. “He took 300 million people out of poverty. They’d been trying to do it in China for 150 years, and they couldn’t. And he did it.”

The result is an exhaustive, 876-page study of Deng’s life that includes his multiple falls from power and his final comeback, when he assumed the top position in 1978; the book offers new details into how Deng pushed aside Mao’s chosen successor, Hua Guofeng.

A version of this article appeared in print on October 22, 2011, on page C1 of the New York edition with the headline: The Man Who Took Modernity To China.

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/22/books/the-impact-of-deng-xiaoping-beyond-tiananmen-square.html?pagewanted=1&ref=books

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16 Responses to “Deng Xiaoping: The Man Who Took Modernity To China”

  1. The Four Modernisations were identified with Deng Xiaoping but they were introduced as early as January 1963: at the Conference on Scientific and Technological Work held in Shanghai that month, Zhou Enlai called for professionals in the sciences to realize “the Four Modernizations.”

    In February 1963, at the National Conference on Agricultural Science and Technology Work, Nie Rongzhen specifically referred to the Four Modernizations as comprising agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. In 1975, in one of his last public acts, Zhou Enlai made another pitch for the Four Modernizations at the 4th National People’s Congress.

    After Zhou’s death and Mao’s soon thereafter, Deng Xiaoping assumed control of the Chinese Communist Party in late 1978. In December 1978 at the Third Plenum of the 11th Central Committee, Deng Xiaoping announced the official launch of the Four Modernizations, formally marking the beginning of the reform era.

    The Four Modernizations were designed to make China a great economic power by the early 21st century. These reforms essentially stressed economic self-reliance. The People’s Republic of China decided to accelerate the modernization process by stepping up the volume of foreign trade by opening up its markets, especially the purchase of machinery from Japan and the West.

    By participating in such export-led growth, China was able to speed up its economic development through foreign investment, a more open market, access to advanced technologies, and management experience.–Din Merican

  2. There is ONLY one man China owes much to and not for him, China would not be what it is today.

    No, it is not Deng Xiaoping, it is Zhou En-lai. The master statesman who held China together when Mao Zedong went mad. If not for Zhou as the Premier of China in those insane years under Mao, China would have imploded and gone to the pigs (if not dogs).

    Secondly, If not for Zhou En-lai, China would not have modernise because Deng would have lost his head to Mao’s Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution.

    Mao’s Red Guards were gunning after Deng who was Zhou’s protege and since Red Guards could not touch Zhou, but they tried to go after Deng’s head. Zhou sent Deng into exile into southern China and asked him to lie real low and stay below the radar and not pop his head up. Deng took the advice.

    When the madness was over, Zhou got Deng out to Beijing and went about to rehabilitate Deng.

    It was Zhou En-lai’s foresight in recognising the skills and the reformist views of Deng for China that he kept him alive throughout China’s insane years under Mao’s later years. Zhou himself could do little because of Mao who saw China in more stringent Marxist ideology. He had to manage skillfully the hard-core communist in the Politburo without actually marginalising them totally to enable other reform-biased leaders who come forward.

    In many sense, Zhou En-lai provided the life-line for China by maneuvering the hard core communists to the side lines.

    Zhou En-lai is the most understated leader of the largest nation and potentially the strongest superpower in the world in the short years to come.

    The genius of Deng Xiaopeng is his sense of timing to bring the dramatic change to China and he did with the least fanfare. He understood the underlying psyche of the Chinese.

  3. I had the opportunity to meet this great man in person when our party visited Beijing in the Summer of 1981. We thought we would just meet him, shake his hand and then after a few minutes leave but the meeting lasted for one hours. He was such a bright and farsighted person and we knew that China would open up soon. And we saw it did in just 30 years.

  4. Pak Idrus

    I envy you. Not many people, even for the mainland Chinese in those days, let alone from Malaysia, had that opportunity to meet a Chinese leader, and Deng in particular. The average Chinese in China would kill for that opportunity.

    Would love to hear your take of the man you met personally. That would be interesting.

    Thanks for sharing.

  5. Frank,

    I remember in November 25/26 (?), 1996, asking His Majesty King Norodom Sihanouk when he was hosting a farewell lunch for our Ambassador, Dato Deva Ridzam, about Prime Minister Zhou Enlai. He said to us across the table that Zhou was brilliant technocrat (Mandarin) who kept China in one piece while his boss mercurial and enigmatic Mao was very absorbed with his Cultural Revolution. There was no doubt in Sihanouk’s mind that Zhou was a great Asian leader. Because of Zhou, like Deng Xiaoping, Norodom Sihanouk too was spared from the atrocities of the Maoist Pol Pot regime in Cambodia.

    In his book, Leaders, President Richard Nixon called Zhou “a Communist revolutionary and a Confucian gentleman, a devoted ideologue and a calculating realist, a political infighter and a grand conciliator.” Nixon who met him in 1972 during his visit to China, the first American President to do so, went on to write:

    “The ruthlessness of the Communist ideologue allowed him to capitalize on historical opportunities and to endure political setbacks and physical hardships. The personal qualities of the Confucian gentleman allowed him to excel in personal diplomacy and to become our ‘beloved leader’ to millions of Chinese. The shrewdness of the realist allowed him to assess accurately the underlying forces in domestic politics and international diplomacy. The stealth of the political infighter enabled him to ensure that his policies would outlive him and would extend into the post-Mao era. The tact and courtesy of the conciliator allowed him to keep the country together when the actions of more cataclysmic figures worked to pull it apart.”

    Without Zhou Enlai, there would be no Deng Xiaoping. Mao’s henchmen would have gotten to him.–Din Merican

  6. Mahathir thinks he knows about the Chinese. Ask him to read Ezra Vogel latest book on Deng Xiaopeng. Who is the big liar!

  7. Dato Din

    I was quite absorbed in the development of China in the modern era because of what that nation can do to shake up the planet, politically, economically, militarily and ecologically.

    And what attracted me most about learning modern China is to see what lessons have the Chinese communist leadership learnt from the thousands of years of imperial rule, and how would they govern a people suppressed by imperial, at times brutal edicts.

    Of all the leaders of modern China, leaving aside Sun Yat-sen who can be credited as the first to sway the chinese masses against imperial rule, only three stand out: Mao, Zhou and Deng. The rest to this day will always remain their shadows.

    At one stage during the Cultural Revolution, Zhou felt unsafe himself because of Mao’s unstable mind about where he wanted to bring China. In a way, it was lucky for China that Mao knew he needed Zhou more than anything else while blew his own mind on the Cultural Revolution.

    Zhou was the face of stability and sanity while China was in turmoil inside.

    I studied these three leaders pretty closely and I came to the conclusion that of the three, Zhou stood out as the one who guided China through those tumultuous years as China tried to regain its pride and integrity on the international stage.

    I cannot imagine what China’s development trajectory will be if Zhou had not been where he was then, during the Cultural Revolution.

    China’s policy in engaging the outside world today is still a work in progress. China’s pragmatism in dealing with the outside world today bears the marks of Zhou’s fingerprints.

    If the Western leaders are confused about China’s foreign policy, they would do well to remember it is only the Chinese who could ever invent a dish called “sweet-and-sour fish.”
    ____________
    Frank, I studied Chinese History at MU under Wang Gungwu during my First Year (1960). The Chinese are a great people; I am not surprised that today China is dominant again in Asia and challenging US commercial hegemony. Zhou Enlai was a visionary. Deng Xioping was a man of action–the implementer of the Four Modernisations and a pragmatist, unlike Mao who was a ideologue. –Din Merican

  8. Looking East, West, South and North. For what? To divert our attention or to listen this political has been. It is “Look Within” but unfortunately this requires guts, a high sense of realism and honesty and the will to change.

    Malaysia is not able to solve simple issues — rewarding talent and the best ideas, permitting open and fair competition among those that can run institutions and the nation well, getting a secular state that can run society in streamlined way (i.e. if South Korea, China began to have mentally retarded ulamas like Ridhuan Tee Abdullah making a nuisance of themselves, I can assure you nobody would Look East because they would be second rate).

    Since Malaysia can’t solve basic problems, they have no choice but to spin, spin, spin and flip flop all the way home — 1Malaysia, Look East, Bangsa Malaysia, Islam Hadhari and now 1Malaysia, ETP, NKRA and a whole truck load of crappy thinking by mediocre and incompetent leaders and sycophantic advisors (like Khoo Kay Kim, Nordin Kling).

  9. As long as we don’t practise meritocracy, eliminate corruption, etc, we’ll never get anywhere regardless of whether we look east, west, north or south. We will be a laggard nation, if we listen to this mad cap former Prime Minister, Mamak Mahathir.

  10. How accurately put, Ablastine – like hammering the final nail into the ‘coffin’ ! Like you say spin all the time….and it has become a boredom.

    In macro-Malaysia aspect, yes we look ” within” and not like the Author, ‘deflection’ to divert all the past misdeeds. In the micro-sense, each of us as Individuals have to look within ourselves individually, no scarcity of talents, but only ‘ cronies ‘ become the chosen ones. My experience of 37 years, esp in the Govt sector, most Malay bosses feel ‘ threatened’ by good workers who are highly capable, but do things silently to ensure productivity. Most bosses, love flattery, and the lazy ones get recognition !
    We generally do not appreciate true ” values” but are impressed by falsities & artificialities…terrific culture !
    Oscar Wilde defines “cynic” ver well to illustrate the artificial nature of things:

    ” A man is very clever in terms of ‘price’ and lack apprecition of value ” – that’s smartness….Bumis, please emulate the Chinese character, eg : the scrap newspaper vendors, they collect rubbish….and turn them into ” value” in the market-place – that’s industry & true value !

  11. A simple phrase attributed to such a great man:

    It doesn’t matter what colour is the cat as long it catches the mouse.

  12. But then again with Sun Yat Sen, there will not be PRC as we know today. I have mentioned before there is absolute silence of the movement started by Sun Yat Sen. Don’t forget The contributions by compatriots in Malaya & Singapore

    Even Mao recognises the great tribute by Sun Yat Sen

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b1_OSSp_XJI&feature=related

  13. The news about the centennial xinhai revolution

  14. With appologies, our discussion here should have been appropriate & more relevant in the other Thread : ” Look East Again – Mahathir” reported by Bernama.

  15. My basic understanding of Chinese history and politics is gleaned from reading Han Suyin’s trilogy of her autobigraphy and history of China. Starting with “The Crippled Tree”, it is a great way to learn about China’s history from the turn of the last century because she cleverly combines history with the story of her father’s return from Europe with a Belgian bride.

    She is absolutely and unashamedly in awe of Zhou En-Lai. Her admiration for the man knows no bound and is often reflected in her wrintings.

    I’m indebted to her for opening my mind to the early days of the communist party in China, the rivalry within the various factions and the rise of Mao and Chao; the incredible Long March and the eventual formation of the People’s Republic.

    Even though I’m of Chinese descent, I’m a Malaysian first and am proud of it. I personally feel that there are some of us (ie of Chinese heritage) who have become a bit too xenophobic and vociferous when it comes to anything Chinese. Especially now that China is getting stronger day by day. The opposite feeling should be the case, in my book. We should be quieter and humbler in our outlook so as not to offend the other races. It is only a personal feeling.


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