Malaysia’s Svengali, opines Netto

January 26, 2010

King Ghaz as a Politician: Malaysia’s Svengali

By Terence Netto

In the era before the inception of web new portals in the late 1990s and its sibling, socio-political blogs, a few years later, political judgments in Malaysia hinged on knowledge of the facts behind the published news.

Unless you were an insider – and that too, depended on which particular circles you hobnobbed with — you had to engage in intelligent conjecture about what was really going on; a subscription to the Far Eastern Economic Review being a necessary aid towards putting the mosaic together.

Otherwise, you were dependant on what the powers-that-be felt it was safe for you to know, in the publications whose annual license renewals depended on compliance with the Home Ministry’s concept of news management.

Well before advances in communications technology blew that concept to smithereens, Ghazali Shafie, who died yesterday at the age of 88, held a Svengali-like influence over this domain of the managed news while assaying the roles, between the early 1970s and the mid-1980s, of Special Functions Minister, Minister Without Portfolio, Minister of Information, Home Affairs Minister and, finally, Foreign Minister.

He showed an early feel for the art of manipulating the news to reporters covering his sympathy visit to victims of a fire at the low cost Pekeliling Flats in Kuala Lumpur in 1971. Aware of the presence of news photographers, Ghazali, who can mime warmth perfectly for the cameras, hugged the nearest victim as bulbs flashed. Just as soon as the attention of the shutterbugs was averted, he dropped the victim and proceeded to the next photo opportunity.

A man of vaulting ambition, Pahang-born and Kuala Lipis parliamentarian Ghazali had his eyes on the top posts in UMNO but his arrogance put paid to his hopes of anything beyond an ordinary seat in the party’s supreme council.

How a man of his obvious intelligence could not see that his arrogance would make him unpopular with UMNO’s delegates, then mainly from the teaching profession, remains one of the mysteries of his career.

Had he been less arrogant, he would surely have, by January 1976, occupied one of the party’s three vice presidential slots.  That would have been the springboard to the deputy premiership because he was the preference of just-elevated Prime Minister Hussein Onn for the post left vacant when Hussein moved up following Abdul Razak Hussein’s sudden death in London on January 15, 1976.

As Hussein, fast tracked by a terminally-ill Razak into the deputy presidency of UMNO and deputy premiership of the county after Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman’s death in August 1973, dithered over the choice of who should be his deputy, incumbent vice presidents Razaleigh Hamzah, Ghafar Baba and Dr Mahathir Mohamed combined to tell the premier that the choice, by tradition, should come from their ranks.

Hussein took three months to settle on Dr Mahathir, a choice he came to regret. During that period in which he mulled his choice, Ghazali, whose capacity to strut is as natural as a rooster’s, was confident he would be the choice.  Back at the Lake Club in Kuala Lumpur, his friends prepared a celebration in his honor the same evening in late April 1976 that the choice of Dr Mahathir as Deputy Prime Minister was announced.

A host of Malaysian intellectuals, including academician Dr Syed Husin Ali and journalist Samad Ismail, would pay the price in ISA detention for the thwarting of Ghazali’s prime ministerial ambitions.  Worry over the dearth of available options for top leadership posts in UMNO was intimated by both Dr Ismail and Razak to a select few who were privy to their thoughts before both died.

Both leaders were men of staunch discretion in matters like this, with Razak being extraordinary because he contrived, successfully, to keep the secret of his leukemia, known to him as early as 1969, within an intimate circle that barely numbered half a dozen.

Razak completed an immense amount of work in the short time he knew he had left to live, proving the truth of Dr Johnson’s aphorism that certainty about death’s imminence helps concentrate the mind wonderfully.

Razak did not like Ghazali, conniving in the sniping against him that his underling Abdullah Ahmad – renowned by the mid-1980s as ‘Dollah Kok Lanas’ (he was MP for Kok Lanas in Kelantan in the 1980s) — carried out in the op-ed pages of the UMNO-owned newspaper Utusan Melayu.

Home Minister Ghazali returned the compliment by having Abdullah detained under the ISA in June 1976 on the spurious grounds that he was a Russian spy. An amorous dalliance with a female Russian embassy staff was all it took to incriminate Abdullah.

Dollah Kok Lanas is not only privy to the actual reasons for his detention – over which he is not likely to be candid – but also to Tunku Abdul Rahman’s pained afterthoughts on the prelude and after of May 13, 1969.

Before he died in December 1990, the Tunku afforded Dollah Kok Lanas his reconstruction of that period, filtered by the length of time and reflection a long post-retirement life allowed him (Tunku retired in 1970 and died 20 years later). The Tunku’s recollections are not likely to be complimentary to Razak.

Like Hussein vis-à-vis Dr Mahathir, the Tunku came to regret his favoring of Razak over Dr Ismail as his deputy, a decision made as early as the mid-1950s.  Before he died, the Tunku, when reminiscing to visitors at his retirement retreat in Penang, would refer to Ismail as that “noble one”, an opinion freighted with melancholy at having made a choice he came to rue.

Presumably, Dollah Kok Lanas is waiting for some of Razak’s close relatives to pass on before he gives vent to the Tunku’s afterthoughts. But even then, it may not see the light of day.

Expedient and self-serving, rather than candid, disclosure is the weakness of the Malay political elite.  They view the ordinary Malay as wards, to be let in on political realities only to the extent assorted members of the elite deem sufficient at any one time for wards to know. Echoes of this attitude can be seen in the ‘Allah’ controversy today.

Only Anwar Ibrahim, because of the breadth and fortitude of his intellect, is capable of freeing the Malay mind from this tutelary and debilitating control.  But even in his case, there is a question – real or imagined, foisted or self-induced (we may soon know when his sodomy case begins on February 2) – over his sexuality.

If you acquainted with the reasons bruited about for the late Samad Ismail’s detention under the ISA in June 1976 — how Ghazali was fingered by Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew, to effect the arrest of old foe Samad — you’ll find the same thread of sexual turpitude running in a depressing line through it all.  Samad, a proven journalist and a formidable intellectual, was cut down by a spell in ISA detention in his prime.

In the 1970s, the pretext for these manifestations of repressive power was the need to thwart communist designs. These days the search for bogeys is covered by the need to check not ideological but sexual deviancy.  In Ghazali’s time and now, the exercise of repressive power is conducted under the guise of the ruling pieties, carried out by persons who are anything but respectful of the same.

PKR Disciplinary Board to Deal with Zulkifli Noordin

January 26, 2010

Zul Noordin’s Fate will be decided by PKR Disciplinary Board, says Anwar Ibrahim

by Debra Chong

The fate of Kulim Bandar Baharu MP Zulkifli Noordin will be decided by the PKR disciplinary board within one month from today said Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

The party advisor has also instructed the board to sit immediately and discuss what to do about Zulkifli’s police report against an ally MP from PAS. The central leadership council has also placed a media gag order on Zulkifli

Zulkifli had earlier this week lodged a police report against fellow Pakatan Rakyat (PR) MP Khalid Samad for allegedly saying the Selangor state enactment to control religious propagation is outdated and needs a review.

Zulkifli had supposedly asked the police to investigate Khalid for what the former considered an insult to Islam and to the state ruler.

Anwar tried to play down Zulkifli’s outright “disobedience” when asked if he considered the latter a “liability” after this latest breakaway from PKR’s official stand.

“We regret that he feels very strongly to lodge a report against a fellow MP,” Anwar replied.

“Our position on ‘Allah’ is very clear, explicit,” the de facto chief added, repeating the party and alliance’s stand that allowed for Christians to use the Arabic word.

Anwar said they central leadership council was ‘convinced” Zulkifli’s actions were wrong and pointed out that the party allowed for different opinions and had channels for those opinions to be expressed.

He stopped short of saying Zulkifli had outright disobeyed the party and left it up to the disciplinary board to decide the latter’s future. “We do not want to pre-empt before the disciplinary board meets,” he said.

PKR secretary-general Saifuddin Nasution, however, did not discount the possibility that Zulkifli may be stripped of his party membership.

Anwar Ibrahim on Allah Issue

Muslims Have No Monopoly over ‘Allah’

Malaysia finds itself on tenterhooks because minority issues have been handled poorly.

By Anwar Ibrahim

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704375604575023813383421900.html#
January 25, 2010

Malaysia has once again resurfaced in international headlines for the wrong reasons. Over the last two weeks, arsonists and vandals attacked 10 places of worship, including Christian churches and Sikh temples. Though there were no injuries and the material damage is reparable, the same cannot be said about the emotional and psychological scars left behind. After numerous conflicting statements from government officials, the underlying causes of the violence are still unaddressed. Malaysia’s reputation as a nation at peace with its ethnic and religious diversity is at stake.

Malaysia’s poor handling of religious and sectarian issues is not unique. The ill treatment of minority groups in Muslim countries is often worse than the actions Muslims decry in the West. I have called attention to the broader need in the Muslim world for leadership that demonstrates consistency and credibility in our call for justice, fairness and pluralism. These values are embedded in the Islamic tradition as the higher objectives of Shariah expounded by the 12th-century jurist al-Shatibi.

We have seen Muslims around the world protest against discriminatory laws passed in supposedly liberal and progressive countries in the West. Yet just as France and Germany have their issues with the burqa and Switzerland with its minarets, so too does Malaysia frequently fail to offer a safe and secure environment that accommodates its minority communities.

The recent arson attacks exemplify what’s wrong with the way Malaysia regards its non-Muslim citizens. The attacks were provoked by a controversy over the use of the word “Allah” by Malaysia’s Christian community, which numbers over two million, or about 10% of the population. In late 2007, the Home Ministry banned the use of the word by the Herald, a Catholic newspaper, and later confiscated 15,000 copies of Malay-language Bibles imported from Indonesia in which the word for God is translated as “Allah.”

A December 31, 2009 ruling by the Kuala Lumpur High Court overruled the earlier ban, asserting constitutional guarantees regarding the freedom of religion in Malaysia. Since then, an already tense situation boiled over, largely due to incitement by a few reckless politicians, the mainstream media and a handful of nongovernmental organizations linked by membership and leadership to the United Malays National Organization, the ruling party.

For example, Utusan Malaysia, the nation’s largest Malay-language daily—which is also owned by UMNO—has inflamed Muslim religious sentiments by accusing non-Muslims of desecrating the name of the “Muslim” God and alleging a Christian conspiracy to overrun this predominantly Muslim nation through conversion. I have seen these incendiary propaganda techniques used before, when politicians and demagogues exploit public sentiment to garner support by fomenting fear.

Such tactics are useful diversions from embarrassing scandals ranging from controversial court decisions, to allegations of exorbitant commissions extracted from military procurements, to the theft of two jet engines from the inventory of the Royal Malaysian Air Force. This behavior has been exacerbated since the ruling party lost its two-thirds majority in parliament  in  2008. UMNO is now desperately struggling to regain public support.

Few Muslims around the world would endorse the claim that we have a monopoly on the word “Allah.” It is accepted that the word was already in the lexicon of pre-Islamic Arabs. Arabic’s sister Semitic languages also refer to God as “Allah”: namely, “Elaha” in Aramaic, and “Elohim” in Hebrew. Historical manuscripts prove that Arabic-speaking Muslims, Christian and Jews have collectively prayed to God, the Creator and Sustainer of the Universe, as “Allah” for over 1,400 years. The history of Islam in Southeast Asia is known for its pluralistic and inclusive traditions, and amicable relations between Muslims and non-Muslims have been the norm for generations.

Muslim scholars outside of Malaysia thus find our “Allah” issue absurd and cannot fathom why it has sparked protest and outrage. Minority Muslim populations living in the West, particularly in the aftermath of 9/11, have diligently tried to remind the public that Muslims, Christians and Jews share common Abrahamic roots and ultimately worship the same God.

Local sensitivities have been aroused over this issue. They should be handled through dialogue and engagement. Instead of permeating a sense of insecurity or a siege mentality, Muslims must be encouraged to engage and present their concerns to the Christians in a constructive manner. The example of Muslim Spain is a moment in our history to which Malaysian Muslims should aspire. But efforts toward fostering a convivencia are not only found in the past. The ongoing “Common Word” initiative, a global effort launched in 2007 that captured the support of over 130 of the world’s most prominent Muslim scholars, has made historic progress towards building goodwill among Muslims and Christians to find ways to live in sincere peace and harmony. It is ironic that noble efforts such as these are being undone by the actions of Muslims themselves.

Malaysia’s international reputation has taken a beating since Prime Minister Najib Razak was sworn in last year. Despite his efforts to promote national unity, news about the caning of a young Muslim woman charged with drinking, the mutilation of a cow head in protest of the construction of a Hindu temple, ill treatment of Muslim converts who revert to their earlier faith and even the outlawing of the practice of yoga by Muslims have many at home and abroad wondering which direction Malaysia is headed under Mr. Najib’s leadership. There are already misgivings about governance, human rights, the rule of law and rampant corruption; Malaysia dropped 10 spots on Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perception Index, our worst showing in over 15 years. The vision of Malaysia as a peaceful and stable location for investment, tourism and migration is now in peril.

This matters most for Malaysians who have to contend with an increasingly polarized social and political landscape. Malaysia cannot afford to be held hostage by the vested interests of a few who manipulate faith and identity as a means to elicit fear for political and economic gain. This is old politics, and it has become clear that those who incite hatred are only doing so to prolong their monopoly on power. The majority of Malaysians reject this approach. They realize that overcoming the challenges we face—a stagnant economy, declining educational standards and rising crime—depends on our ability as a nation to internalize and make real the principles of fairness and justice to all.

Mr.  Anwar Ibrahim, a former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, is a Member of Parliament for  Parti Keadilan Rakyat (Peoples’ Justice Party) and Leader of the Opposition.

Finding Unity in Malaysia’s Diversity

The government is working to resolve the ‘Allah’ issue and preserve a fair and open society.

By Prime Minister Najib Razak
January 25, 2010

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704375604575023801488108836.html

In contrast to the impressions left by some international reporting, in the hours and days after the recent vandalism of churches and other places of worship in Malaysia, the true spirit of our nation has shone through.

Across religions and races, Malaysians have spoken with a unified voice in condemning the despicable acts of a few. Citizens have joined as one to assert that vandalism is never an acceptable way to express diverse views or resolve differences.

Many measures have been taken to counter this violence. Muslim groups volunteered to safeguard churches in their towns. Muslim social activists have written petitions to oppose these senseless acts of vandalism. Muslim civic groups are standing shoulder-to-shoulder with Christians, Hindus and Buddhists to ensure that all people can freely worship as they wish. Christian and civic leaders have urged calm and interfaith dialogue; they are fully aware that those who perpetrated these acts do not represent the Muslim majority in Malaysia. I saw this first hand when I visited the Metro Tabernacle Church to meet with the pastor and to commit support for rebuilding.

Let us be honest in recognizing that religious beliefs are deeply held, and in the legal case currently pending related to non-Muslims’ use of the word “Allah” in Malay-language publications, there are passionate views on many sides. As a nation, we will work together to resolve this issue.

Malaysia is certainly not the first country where a few individuals commit criminal acts under the false pretence of supporting a particular religion. But I am determined that the vandalism of places of worship and arson at the Tabernacle in recent days—and the powerful response from everyday Malaysians—can be transformed into a moment from which we can learn.

We will bring the perpetrators to justice. But this will also be a time when we stand united as one people to unequivocally denounce violence and reaffirm that we remain committed to the national drive we call “1Malaysia.”
We must resolve to maintain a fair and open society where there is opportunity for all Malaysians to flourish. My administration is liberalizing ownership requirements in key sectors of our economy; encouraging foreign direct investment in an era of globalization; creating 1Malaysia clinics to provide access to health care; and extending educational opportunities to all Malaysians.

These reforms have sometimes been politically difficult. But they are important because the long-term health of Malaysia’s society and the economy can only be built on what unites us rather than what divides us. We will not waver from the pursuit of 1Malaysia. While there may be some who debate this approach, there is room for open discussion and consideration about how we realize this vision of a strong, fair nation.

Many Malaysians have been appalled by the irresponsible and dangerous finger-pointing of a few politicians who put personal political interests before Malaysia’s national interest. They try to score political points by hammering on sensitive issues. My government chooses a different path. We will reach out to all parts of Malaysian society in the coming days to foster open dialogue and work to resolve sensitive issues together.

While one church was damaged and others were vandalized, along with a Sikh temple and Muslim prayer rooms, the values we hold dear—religious freedom, tolerance, peace and fairness—remain the bedrock of our nation. The diversity of our population is the true strength of our country. Across races and across religions, this is the foundation upon which we will advance 1Malaysia. It represents a great challenge but, together, it can be our greatest achievement.

A Fine Tribute to King Ghaz

January 26, 2010

http://www.nst.com.my

By Dato Deva M. Ridzam*

Tun Muhammad Ghazali Shafie’s achievements over four decades of public service were numerous. Fondly known as “King Ghaz” (and “Jak” to the second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein), he hailed from Kuala Lipis, Pahang, and read Law at the University College of Wales at Aberystwyth and International Studies at the London School  of Economics,  University of London.

In 1944, Ghazali entered public service as a probationary officer, and in 1947, was appointed acting district officer of his own hometown. He went on to serve four prime ministers.

His achievements over four decades of public service were many and varied. He was the longest-serving Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of External Affairs, a Senator, Minister for Special Functions and Information, Minister of Home Affairs and, finally, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Under our first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, Ghazali helped shape the country’s foreign policy and was intimately involved in the formation of Malaysia, the founding of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) , the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, the International Islamic University Malaysia and more.

He helped bring an end to Indonesia’s Confrontation and restored diplomatic relations with this important neighbour, as well as negotiated the eventual surrender of the Communist Party of Malaya.

As a member of the National Consultative Council, he spearheaded efforts to draft the Rukun Negara and formulate the New Economic Policy.

But he is best known as a diplomat of international stature, and one of the outstanding Asian foreign policy minds of his generation.

Many a regional Head of State or government knew Ghazali on a first-name basis. He had a solid reputation, and the credibility not just to talk about the future but to do something about it.

He was the dynamo behind the all-Malaysian team under Tunku Abdul Rahman, helping to conceptualise the OIC, establish its organisational structure and write its charter.

As Permanent Secretary (1959-70) and later as minister of external affairs (1981-84), Ghazali accomplished much with limited resources. In foreign affairs, the country punched above its weight. During his time and for many years after, Wisma Putra was a brand name not only within our own civil service but in the region as well.

Ghazali was genuinely concerned for the self-determination of peoples. As Foreign Minister, he convened the first United Nations Asia-Pacific Conference on the Question of Palestine in Kuala Lumpur in 1983.

He was a progressive Muslim. While he did not wear faith on his sleeve, he was always concerned for the dignity, welfare and solidarity of the ummah. He travelled widely to many Muslim countries to gain acceptance of the importance of education for the Muslim world. The establishment of the International Islamic University Malaysia was largely due to his efforts.

He conceived of IIUM as an institution of higher learning to embody, in his own words, “Islamic purposefulness in education”. To this end, he insisted that IIUM produce Muslim professionals such as doctors, engineers, economists, lawyers and architects upholding the highest ethical standards of Islam.

Ghazali is best known for his contributions to Malaysian foreign policy and diplomacy. Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, in his farewell speech as foreign minister to Wisma Putra officials in 1989, imparted Ghazali’s advice to him on foreign policy: “It has to be credible.”

This meant two things. First, we must have an accurate sense of self in terms of our interests as we relate to the world, our capacities and our challenges. Second, our foreign policy must reflect the reality of Malaysia as a country open to the world and outward-looking.

Indeed, Ghazali was the foreign policy guru for a whole generation of Malaysian and ASEAN diplomats. Malaysian diplomats under his demanding tutelage were schooled as realists. One of his recommended books for budding diplomats was Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince.

He stressed that civil servants should be required to read widely and be trained to be thorough, attentive and articulate. Above all, they should uphold and defend the national interest.Ghazali always insisted that our diplomats be courageous and eloquent, and to seek knowledge. In his recollections in Number One Wisma Putra, he emphasised that our diplomats “must be intelligent, must analyse things… must be accurate and up-to-date… they must be fighters…”

At least once a week he made it a point to meet heads of department — the infamous “Prayer Meeting”. Every officer prayed not to be singled out for intense questioning. Officers were required to think on their feet and win arguments, not raise voices.

Ghazali wanted Malaysians to play in a different and bigger league. He did his job with formidable intellectual powers and a strategic vision of Malaysia and ASEAN’s future and their place in the world. He often saw more than others could, and was able to perceive complex issues with clarity.

He was praised for his energy and eloquence, wit and clarity. He remained an internationalist (what we would call a “multilateralist” today) throughout his career and even in retirement.

He inspired awe and resentment in equal measure. He certainly did not suffer fools gladly. Indeed, he rarely suffered them at all. Yet he was always respected. Those who thought him pompous and elitist nonetheless recognised him as a man of vision and integrity, consistent on important issues.

Some resented his popularity and independence, and his skill in dealing with the outside world and the media. Ultimately, Ghazali had to go. His departure from public service was a loss to the country. It is time to revive the tradition and brand he left behind in foreign policy and diplomacy.

For starters, perhaps the Institute of Diplomacy and Foreign Relations could be renamed the “Ghazali Shafie School of Diplomacy and Foreign Relations” and turned into a full-fledged independent academic institution, where the best minds from our country, the region and the world can come to teach, study and do research.

Ghazali was among our premier statesmen and nation-builders. The nation owes him a debt of gratitude.

* Dato Deva. M. Ridzam was  former Ambassador to the European Union, Belgium and Luxembourg and Kingdom of Cambodia, and a Distinguished Fellow, Institute of Strategic and International Studies. The views expressed here are his own.

PKR’s Zulkifli Quandary

January 26, 2010

PKR’s Zulkifli Quandary

The party’s past laxity towards its stormy petrel has contributed to its current dilemma where continued leniency could be easily mistaken for terminal weakness

By Terence Netto

Any decision the PKR Political Bureau meeting this evening arrives on the Zulkifli Nordin issue must be weighed against the pattern of small insurgencies waged in recent weeks by some members who had crossed over from Barisan Nasional components.

The situation faced last week by PKR’s Selangor state executive councilor, Dr Xavier Jayakumar, where he was questioned by the Police over alleged failure to disburse funds allocated for Tamil schools stemmed from reports lodged by party members who had crossed over from MIC.

Dr Jayakumar had denied that there was any failure to disburse from an allocated fund of RM4 million, furnished proof of it, and wearily lamented as termite-like the tendencies of ex-MIC members now in PKR.

For the better part of a year and a half, the public gyrations of Zulkifli Nordin, PKR MP for Kulim Bandar Bharu, have not resembled any member of nature’s crawly kingdom.

Instead, pace his furious lashing out at friend and foe alike, the analogy of the rogue elephant comes to mind. In Africa, invariably, the rogue turns malevolent because of excruciating toothache or some other pain. Because of his excesses, the rogue is shunned by the rest of the herd and sent into isolation.

We do not know what Zulkifli would have done in isolation if the PKR politburo had endorsed the decision of its Disciplinary Board in 2008 that he be sacked for belligerently intruding on a Bar Council meeting called to discuss the question of religious conversions.

The sacking recommendation was held in abeyance.   There followed two events: one, Abdullah Yeop Sani, a former MalaysianAmbassador to Spain, resigned his chairmanship of the PKR Disciplinary Board; and two, Zulkifli Nordin went on to supply further proof that he is not restrained by the mores that govern the public deportment of elected reps of PKR, or for that matter, Pakatan Rakyat.

In an ominous click of the political ratchet, Zulkifli in recent days has lodged a police report against PAS MP Khalid Samad and denounced his PR colleague in trenchant terms.

The PKR politburo’s counsel of forbearance has not had the desired effect on Zulkifli. The man has simply become more brazen.

It may be pertinent at this point to recall what Zulkifli told the Disciplinary Committee when it first hauled him up — that he was the son of a policeman and has an elder brother in the Special Branch.

Now, in the immediate aftermath of the Bar Council incident Zulkifli went incommunicado for some time during which there was a report, of mysterious origins, that he had been detained under the ISA.  As far as PKR is concerned, he has never adequately accounted for that spell of disappearance.

Yesterday, Zulkifli was present at the national mosque for the graveside obsequies for Tun Ghazali Shafie who died on Sunday. He was seen on amiable terms with a top ranked police officer.  Now any attempt to impute guilt by association would be contemptible, more so when inferred from behavior at occasions when the requisite solemnities demand a general forgetting of political differences in the face of mortality.

But judging from his actions over the past year-and-a-half, is it unreasonable to surmise that Zulkifli Nordin may be acting from a script of which he is not the sole author. Today PKR’s politburo must weigh the consequences of their past laxity towards him against the reality of his current impudence and appraise that against the danger of giving out wrong signals to watching covert insurgents within its fold.

Zaid Ibrahim: Give Zulkifli Noordin the Boot

January 25, 2010

Give Zulkifli Noordin the boot, say Zaib Ibrahim

Pakatan Rakyat stalwart Zaid Ibrahim has called for the sacking of PKR’s outspoken Kulim Bandar Baharu MP Zulkifli Noordin.

According to him, Pakatan cannot afford to have MPs who go against reform.  “If you say the (amendment) of the law is wrong, that’s okay. But don’t lodge police reports as this is a form of intimidation,” he told a press conference.

The PKR supreme council member was responding to the police report filed by Zulkifli against PAS Shah Alam MP Khalid Samad for calling for the amendment of a Selangor religious enactment. Zaid also warned that Pakatan’s image as a champion of democracy would be affected if the coalition did not act against Zulkifli.

“If not ‘Middle Malaysia’ will ask what we stand for and our party will become a laughing stock. We are not UMNO or BN,” he said.He added that it will not be enough to suspend Zulkifli’s membership, as this is not the first time the controversial MP has tainted the party’s image.

Last November, Zulkifli made headlines by challenging PKR vice-president R Sivarasa to quit and battle him for the post, exposing internal conflicts within the party. The MP is also infamous for holding a protest against the Bar Council’s forum on ‘Conversion to Islam’ in 2008.

‘Keep Zulkifli, and others may leave’

Commenting further, Zaid said: “The time has come for PKR to look at itself and ask what kind of people it wants.” Asked if other PKR leaders shared his view, the lawyer-turned-politician said that he could not speak for others but the lack of stern action speaks volumes.

He was also unperturbed by the idea of Zulkifli joining UMNO, if sacked. “He can join any party he wants, but if you keep Zulkifli,  others may leave,” added the former UMNO member and law minister. The latest incident, he said, was reflective of an unhealthy trend of MPs “ganging up” against each other.

“MPs should uphold the law, and be careful not to inflame or aggravate a problem. If not, people will have no respect for them and the whole system will be viewed negatively,” he added. Commenting on the Allah issue, Zaid said: “We will be safe if we follow the constitution, but not if we leave it to politicians.”

The issue, he added, is not about conversion, but about the usage of the word ‘Allah’ by Christians while practicing their religion, which is protected by the constitution. “We cannot control what they say in their prayers. But if there is an evangelical church that is working underground to convert Muslims, then we can take action against them because that goes against the constitution,” he said.

As such, Zaid said political leaders like Zulkifli should take charge and clarify the matter, and not confuse the public further.He added that the enactment pertaining to the usage of several words, including ‘Allah’ by non-Muslims is not new, and that as a lawyer, Zulkifli should understand this.

He noted that the issue is raised today is due to the Home Ministry’s ban on the Herald, which was a direct consequence of the publication’s involvement in the Bersih movement.Their support for the movement for clean and fair elections made the Herald appear like supporters of the opposition, he added.

Responding to a question about the coalition’s direction, Zaid said that he is confident that Pakatan Rakyat is moving positively towards reaching their goals.

He, however, conceded that there are issues, particularly involving PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim’s pending court case. “But the party is not just Anwar. We, the leaders must work harder to bring in initiatives and provide direction to the party,” he said.

MP’s fate will be decided tomorrow

When contacted, PKR deputy president Syed Husin Ali told Malaysiakini that they will decide if any action will be taken against the vocal MP at the political bureau meeting tomorrow.

Syed Husin added that Zulkifli had many opportunities to voice his concern on the matter but is using this issue as an “excuse” to create conflict.

“Khalid (Samad) was present when we had an internal meeting (on the ‘Allah’ issue), along with another 100 participants, but (Zulkifli) did not utter a single word then,” he said.

He also said that Zulkifli’s “selfish” actions were not aimed to solve the problem, and has inadvertently “aided” UMNO.

Meanwhile, Khalid declined to comment on the police report, saying that he “does not want to entertain (questions on) this issue any longer”.

King Ghaz oleh Sang Kelembai

25hb. Januari, 2010

King Ghaz yang di pinggirkan

oleh Sang Kelembai (www.zaharinmy.blogspot.com)

Berita pulang menemui tuhannya Tun Dr Mohd Ghazali Shafie atau lebih dikenali dengan nama King Ghaz dizaman puncak selaku Menteri Dalam Negeri, mengurangkan lagi seorang lagi putera bangsa pasca kemerdekaan tanah air yang boleh menceritakan denyut nadi perjuangan kemerdekaan.

Saya merasa bertuah, bukan sahaja dapat berkerja dengannya walau pun hanya sekadar budak pejabat semasa allahyarham menjadi Menteri Penerangan dan kemudian bila saya terlibat dalam UMNO menjadi rakan didalam perjuangan UMNO. Dari seorang boss kepada seorang pemimpin yang sangat saya hormati sehingga bertukar saperti sebagai adik dengan seorang abang yang banyak dan suka memberikan saya perangsang kedalam politik. Saperti Allahyarham Mohamad Rahmat, King Ghaz adalah juga guru politik saya.

King Ghaz adalah sebutan orang terhadapnya tetapi dikalangan masyarakat politik hanya memanggil dia sebagai Tan Sri sahaja. Bagaimana pun dia lebih akrab dipanggil abang dikalangan kawan-kawannya yang lebih muda, ini disebabkan dia sendiri akan membahasakan diri dia ‘abang’ jika bercakap dengan orang yang lebih muda darinya.

Semasa di New Delhi minggu lepas, bersama seorang pegawai kedutaan tanpa di tanya saya memberi tahunya bahawa sebelum seorang duta di lantik di India, Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie orang yang pertama menjadi Setiausaha Pertama dan bertindak sebagai Duta. Dan mengikut kisah pegawai itu, bahawa dahulunya kawasan kedutaan yang diberikan oleh kerajaan India terlalu luas tetapi kerana kesilapan dan terlepas pandang beberapa tanah yang tidak di failkan oleh kedutaan telah di ambil semula oleh Kerajaan India.

King Ghaz hanya dikenali nilainya oleh Tun Razak Hussein bukan kerana dia orang Pahang dan kawan semasa kecilnya. Tetapi memang dia ada kebolehan dalam apa sahaja tugas yang diberikan kepadanya. Malangnya King Ghaz kerana Tun Razak Hussein meninggal dunia dan Tun Hussein Onn meletekan jawatan. Akhirnya di pinggirkan oleh Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad sehinggalah saat kematiannya.

Jika di lihat urutan anugerah Tun yang diberikan kepadanya beliau adalah yang terakhirnya, selepas semua orang yang pernah berkhidmat dalam pasca kemerdekaan dan Malaysia, dia menerima anugerah Tun pada tahun 2005, itu pun dizaman Abdulah Hj Ahmad Perdana Menterinya malah pegawai bawahannya yang bernama Hanif Omar menerima gelaran Tun pada tahun 1993 dan juga Khalil Yaakob pada tahun 2004.

Walau pun Dr Mahathir Mohamad di anggap sebagai negarawan tetapi dia tidak terlepas dari perangai berbalas dendam pada siapa yang menyusahkannya. Itu satu perangai yang kurang baik Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang di sanjung setengah orang tetapi tidak mengetahui sebaliknya.

Kesalahan tidaklah besar sangat tetapi jika mengikut kata King Ghaz bahawa dia mempunyai cukup alasan untuk menangkap Sidek Ghouse yang masa itu Setiausaha Politik kepada Dr Mahathir Mohamed di bawah Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri. Tujuan murni demi keselamatan Negara dan Dr Mahathir Mohamad sendiri tetapi disalah tafsirkan oleh Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang kebetulan akan memegang jawatan Perdana Menteri satelah Dato Hussein Onn meletakan jawatan.

Akhirnya King Ghaz dikeluarkan dari Kementerian Dalam Negeri dan pindah ke Kementerian Luar dan dibesarakan pada tahun 1985. Dan semenjak bersara beliau tidak pernah diberi peluang apa-apa jawatan yang sesuai dari segi pengalaman dan kepakaran malah Dr Mahathir Mohamad mengambil tindakan memperlinya bila melantik Musa Hitam sebagai wakil khas Malaysia di Pertubohan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu.

Sumbangan King Ghaz terlalu besar didalam pembentukan negera ini. Pengalaman mentadbir dalam masa krisis bukan semua orang menikmatinya, dia bukan Dr Mahathir Mohemad yang membuat krisis untuk tujuan mencari krisis baru bagi melupakan krisis lama. Krisis dizaman King Ghaz adalah krisis diluar jangkaan, zaman konfrontasi, peristiwa 13Mei, kebangkitan PKM, Komunis dalam UMNO dan lain-lain lagi.

King Ghaz akan tetap dikenang sebagai putera bangsa yang berjasa besar. Beliau meletakan namanya sebagai seorang negarawan bukan kerana dia seorang Menteri tetapi seorang rakyat biasa. Dari perkara kecil hanya menukar nama “Majulah sukan kerana sukan” kepada “Majulah sukan untuk negara” adalah ciptaanya yang dilupakan dan tidak digunakan lagi. Hinggalah perkara besar saperti Rukun Negara dan Rukun Tetangga.

Waktu rakyat belum menemui dan mengenal apa itu internet dan rakyat memerlukan penerangan atau informasi, beliaulah yang mengadakan Biro Penerangan yang dikendalikan oleh Jabatan Penerangan. Malah didalam Pasukan Polis bukan sedikit jasanya mengembangkan logistik Polis, dari kereta peronda jenis Alfa sampailah wujudnya unit udara, itu dizamannya permodenan polis bermula.

Betapa pun dia dilupakan dan dipinggirkan oleh Dr Mahathir Mohamad dalam masa dia sehat tetapi secara senyap, banyak juga negara lain menggunakan kepakaran dalam bidangnya. Malah satu perkara yang agaknya tidak banyak diketahui orang bahawa saya pernah bertanya dengannya. Abang tak tulis buku memoir fasal abang? Jawabpan kepada saya terlalu mudah. “Ada zaharin tetapi tak boleh diterbitkan waktu abang hidup kerana nanti orang yang berkenaan akan menjawab dan akhirnya kita bermusuhan. Biarlah buku itu terbit satelah abang meninggal dunia, dan jika dia menjawab, abang tak kisah kerana abang sudah mati”.

Sikit sebanyak saya tahu.. apa yang dia tulis kerana dia pernah bercerita beberapa hal kepada saya. Dia tidak saperti Tok Mat terpaksa memuntahkan perasaan kerana tidak tahan disebabkan masalahan dalam UMNO dan apa yang Dr Mahathir Mohamad lakukan kepadanya tetapi King Ghaz dia adalah seorang yang berlatarkan diplomat.. seorang diplomat yang baik. tidak akan memulakan perang.

Sang Kelembai: Abang (itu panggilan saya kepadanya) bersemadi rohmu di alam baqa sehingga di bangunkan semula. Tugas untuk rakyat dan negera telah abang lakukan, semoga dia menjadi pahala yang dikirakan Allah dalam kebajikan kepada negara ini.. Al-Fatihah.

On MP Zulkifli Nordin

January 25, 2010

PKR calls for a Special Political Bureau on MP for Kulim Bandar Bharu, Zulkifli Nordin

by Terence Netto (January 24, 2010)

PKR have called a special meeting of its Political Bureau for Tuesday to discuss the latest outburst of its refractory MP for Kulim Bandar Bharu, Zulkifli Nordin.

“It’s the first item on the agenda and it’s likely we will make a decision that will be communicated to him soon after the meeting,” said the party’s newly appointed secretary general Saifuddin Nasution.

Saifuddin, MP for Machang, declined to be drawn further but it was clear that Zulkifli’s (right) latest machinations – his lodging of a police report against Pas MP for Shah Alam Khalid Samad and his public denunciation of the man – have crossed the red line separating reasonable intramural dissent from open revolt.

Zulkifli has been scouring that line for a year and more. In 2008, he and a band of cohorts intruded aggressively on a Bar Council meeting that was called to discuss the issue of religious conversion.

The intrusion caused huge public embarrassment to PKR, intent as the party was on augmenting voter support for an agenda of political change based on policies promoting political and economic egalitarianism and social emollience.

Immediately after that incident, Zulkifli was incommunicado. There were reports he had been detained under the ISA, a bizarre turn given that the police are widely viewed as compliant with the powers-that-be and therefore unlikely to act against a politician seen as a liability to the opposition.

While PKR were mulling disciplinary action against Zulkifli, the matter was compounded when vice president Azmin Ali and its MP for Balik Pulau, Yusmadi Yusof, met up with Zulkifli on the margins of a session of Parliament and afterwards pronounced themselves satisfied with the explanation for his conduct proffered by the unrepentant MP.

This was myopic because the party’s disciplinary committee was edging to a recommendation that sanctions be applied on its recalcitrant member. But the recommendation was mothballed after PKR supremo Anwar Ibrahim chose to ignore it.

Lost to the subtleties of communication

Privately, Anwar is known to take a dim view of Zulkifli’s machinations but in public, elects to treat the MP like a somewhat prodigal though malleable sibling, an attitude in keeping with the Pakatan Rakyat leader’s more exaggerated notions of inclusiveness.

On the level of personal interaction, this stance was perhaps understandable, but at the level of public projection of PKR’s political goals, it was self-undermining.

This is because Zulkifli’s public posturing on Islam continued to certify him as belonging to the fanatical fringe rather than the broad centre of Malaysian politics where PKR is soundly emplaced.

Any subtleties of suasion that Anwar (left), who enjoys a wholly justified reputation as a conciliator, had hoped to bring across in personal interaction with the much younger man had little chance to succeed because Zukilfi is about as sensitive to the subtleties of communication as a bull would be in a china shop.

Though in his forties, Zulkifli appears to have lost none of the astringent seriousness of youth. Even more, he still seems powered by youth’s missionary energy, the sense of absolute righteousness that maturity usually softens.

Anwar’s lapse of judgment in not earlier acting against Zukifli has led to the current situation where the brazen MP publicly struts his defiance of party policy and attacks a fellow coalition MP widely regarded as an emblem of the new politics of a reforming nation.

Zulkifli does all this while appearing for Anwar in the matter of his application to the Kuala Lumpur Syariah Court on an accusation of sodomy. A convoluted situation!

It’s time PKR puts Zulkifli Nordin out of the misery of his radical attenuation from the broad middle ground of Malaysia.

More on King Ghaz

January 25, 2010

Bernama reports on the passing of Malaysia’s Foreign Policy Icon: King Ghaz

January 24, 2010

Former home minister Tun Muhammad Ghazali Shafie who died at his home in Subang Jaya today was known to be so strict in his work that it earned him the nickname, ‘King Ghaz’.

Those who knew him, including journalists who interviewed him, were expected to have enough knowledge when they asked a question on an issue or subject so as not to incur his wrath or displeasure. This gave many reporters the jitters when interviewing him during their assignments.

The late Ghazali had served under four prime ministers beginning with Tunku Abdul Rahman until Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s time. He was also known internationally when he was foreign minister, besides serving with various international bodies and missions.

Escaped death

He famously escaped death in a plane crash in Kampung Janda Baik on January 10, 1982 which killed his personal bodyguard and the co-pilot. The incident shocked the nation at the time.

Born in Kuala Lipis on March 22, he received his early education at a number of Malay and English schools in Raub, Kuala Lipis, Bentong and Penjum before studying at Clifford School, Kuala Lipis from 1939 to 1940. In 1941, he furthered his studies at Raffles College in Singapore before obtaining his LLB (Honours) at University College of Wales and then a degree in international relations from the London School of Economics in 1954.

From 1941 to 1946, he served in several defence forces including the Malayan Volunteer Force and Anti-Japanese Movement.

Ghazali who had worked as a clerk with the Selangor Council, was appointed as Malaya’s High Commissioner to India in 1957 and two years later, was made the secretary-general of the Foreign Ministry. He was foreign minister from July 1981 to July 1984 and resigned from the post the same month.

A highly important task held by Ghazali was as a member of the Cobbold Commission on the formation of Malaysia. His long service in the Cabinet started in 1970 when he was appointed minister with special functions and a year later was given the additional information portfolio.

Sixteen months later, he was made home and information minister and in July 1981, was appointed foreign minister. After resigning from the cabinet in 1984, Ghazali held various important positions in the corporate sector and international organisations.

He was chairman of Peremba, Landmark Holdings Bhd, Westmont Bank Manila, the Philippines and Intermega Energy NL, Australia, among others.

In the political arena, Ghazali was Kuala Lipis member of parliament, Kuala Lipis UMNO division head and UMNO supreme council member. He lost in the contest for a party vice-president post in 1972 and 1975. However, he won the post in 1981.

Other contributions

His contributions in other fields included being the founder and president of the National Art Gallery, University of Malaya Governing Council member, National Security Council member, chairman of Institut Teknologi Mara Governing Council, and founding member of the Malayan Forum, United Kingdom.

In sports, he held various important posts including honorary life president of the Royal Selangor Flying Club and president of the Malaysian Amateur Athletics Union (1962-1988). For his contribution in sports, he received the ‘Tokoh Sukan’ Award in 2002.

He was also a respected figure at the international level where he was president of the Asia Conference on the Question of Palestine in 1983, member of the South Commission and chairman of the commission set up to revamp and strengthen the ASEAN mechanism.

He was also appointed to the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group on South Africa in 1981, member of the Commonwealth Observer Group for South Africa’s general election, member of the observer groups for the general elections in Sri Lanka and Bosnia Herzegovina, as well as chairman of the observer group for the general election in Bangladesh.

The late Ghazali had also been special advisor to the prime minister on foreign affairs and consultant to the World Bank Economic Development Institute. He received awards from several foreign countries including Singapore,France, South Korea, Iran, the Philippines, Japan, Tunisia, Thailand, Austria and North Korea.

Breaking News: “King Ghaz” passes on

January 24, 2010

BREAKING NEWS: Tun Muhammad Ghazalie Shafie passes on

Former home minister Tun Muhammad Ghazalie Shafie died at his house in Subang Jaya about 7.45pm today, according to his grand daughter Farah.  Al-Fatihah.

Tun Ghazalie played a pivotal role in charting the course of Malaysian Foreign Policy, first as  Permanent Secretary to the  Ministry of Foreign Affairs and later, after his entry into politics, as Foreign Affairs Minister. He was one of the founding architects of ASEAN which included Indonesia’s Adam Malik, Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam, Thailand’s Thanat Khoman and Philippines’ Narisco Ramos.

After leaving active politics, the Tun continued to serve the nation in realising its diplomatic goals. This has been possible mostly because of his close rapport with many of the world’s leading statesmen. Apart from his role in international diplomacy, Ghazalie Shafie  exercised considerable influence in determining Malaysia’s socio-economic development especially in the post-May 13, 1969 era.

As Minister with Special Functions he was responsible for the formulation of the New Economic Policy and Second Malaysia Plan. He was also the man behind the Rukun Negara.

I am proud to serve under Tun Ghazalie when I was a young Foreign Service Officer (1963-1965). He gave me a lot of encouragement and had a tremendous influence on my world view.  He was the man who introduced me to Niccolo Machiavelli’s Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (Discourses on Livy) and Il Principe (The Prince), and the Art of War. He was a very demanding boss who also led by example. He was a voracious reader of philosophy, law, economics, politics and foreign policy and diplomacy.

After his retirement from public life, he was a Senior Researcher at Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia with two books to his credit, including an insider’s view on the Formation of Malaysia.  During the Mahathir era (1981-2003), he was essentially ignored, only to be rehabilitated by Mahathir’s successor, Abdullah Badawi, with the award of a Tunship a few years ago.

To his friends and former officers, he was one of a kind and a true blue foreign policy professional. Tun Ghazalie will be  long be remembered as the man who ran foreign policy during the eras of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Hussein Onn. The last time I saw him in action was in 1995 when he came to Phnom Penh for a conference organised by the Cambodian Institute of Cooperation and Peace on Cambodia and ASEAN. He was accompanied by  Dato Deva M. Ridzam who was then our Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia.—Din Merican

Khalid Samad

January 22, 2010 by myzaidibrahim

Khalid Samad dari PAS adalah seorang pemimpin politik yang saya hormati kerana beliau berani mempertahankan perkara atau prinsip yang benar walau pun mungkin ada orang anggap ia akan rugi dari segi politik. Itulah yang membezakan ahli politik yang ada intelek dan integriti dengan orang politik yang bersifat murahan dan oportunis. Orang yang rakus biasanya tak faham isu yang diperkatakan, atau kalau pun dia faham isu, orang jenis itu akan terus berdrama dan berlakon untuk mendapat sokongan orang ramai dengan diperalatkan melalui ucapan sensasi dan penuh emosi.

Khalid Samad dan Zulkifli di suatu majlis perkahwinan baru baru ini.

Saya melihat Khalid sebagai seorang manusia yang berani apabila beliau mengatakan Enakmen Agama Islam Selangor 1988 yang membuat larangan penggunaan perkataan-perkataan seperti ilahi, nabi, wahyu, masjid dan sebagainya kepada orang bukan Islam adalah tidak lagi sesuai dan perlu rombakan.Cadangan bernas beliau sebaliknya telah memberi ruang kepada kumpulan NGO Islam untuk membuat laporan polis terhadap Khalid atas alasan kononnya menghina Islam dan Sultan. Inilah reaksi kumpulan yang tidak biasa dengan muzakarah dan musyawarah serta perbezaan pendapat. Mereka hanya mahu Khalid dihukum dan ditutup mulut dan mindanya. Usaha untuk memahami dan membincangkan pandangan beliau tidak penting langsung bagi kumpulan NGO Islam. Yang penting bagi mereka, Khalid mesti dihukum.

Sebenarnya maksud Khalid, pada hemat saya, adalah begini: Larangan terhadap orang bukan Islam daripada menggunakan perkataan tertentu oleh Majlis Agama Islam di mana-mana negeri sekali pun mestilah difahami dalam kontek sabenar. Apa pun prinsip atau peraturan mesti dilihat dan dikaji dalam kontek tertentu. Kontek larangan untok orang bukan Islam dari menggunakan perkataan tertentu mesti dilihat dari kontek larangan Perlembagaan Persekutuan yang tidak membenarkan orang agama lain memujuk dan berusaha untok “convert “ atau menukar agama Islam itu.

Jadi tujuan Enakmen itu ialah secucok dengan dan berasaskan kepada Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Undang-undang negeri termasuk Enakmen Islam tidak sah kalau ia melanggar undang-undang Persekutuan. Di bawah Perlembagaan kita memang orang dari agama lain tidak dibenarkan memujuk atau mempengaruhi orang Islam untuk peluk agama mereka. Ini larangan yang telah ditetapkan oleh Perlembagaan. Jadi kalau mereka berniat nak pujuk atau dakwahkan agama mereka kepada orang Islam, maka sebab itulah mereka tak boleh gunakan perkataaan yang diwartakan di bawah Enakmen itu.

Maksudnya larangan menggunakan perkataan yang disenaraikan itu termasuk nama Allah hanyalah dalam konteks apabila seseorang itu cuba mempengaruhi orang Islam. Sebagai contoh, jika seorang paderi atau sami yang beberapa kali bertemu dengan seorang Islam memperkatakan tentang bagaimana agama Kristian itu sesuai dengan sanubari si polan Islam itu dengan menggunakan perkataan Allah, nabi dan wahyu, maka di situlah asas larangan yang sah. Ini adalah kerana perkataan itu digunakan dalam konteks untuk menarik orang Islam menukar agamanya. Itu lah maksud Enakmen itu.

Tetapi penggunaan perkataan Allah, wahyu, nabi, masjid dan sebagainya dalam konteks percakapan biasa tidak boleh dilarang. Contohnya, kalau anak Ah Chong menyanyikan lagu negeri Selangor atau Johor yang memohon Allah melanjutkan usia Sultan atau Sami Velu bertanya jirannya “Ahmad, kamu nak ke masjid ke petang ini?”, maka itu tidak boleh menjadi kesalahan. Mana ada undang-undang dalam dunia yang sah boleh melarang orang awam menggunakan sesuatu perkataan.

Apa asas larangan itu? Apa rasa orang Melayu kalau orang India kata jangan gunakankan nama Iswara pada kereta Proton kerana Iswara adalah salah satu nama tuhan Hindu? Begitu juga jika orang Melayu diminta jangan menggunakan perkataan Sanskrit seperti syurga, neraka, dosa, pahala dan sebagainya.

Jadi Khalid memang patut dipuji kerana mahu menegakkan kebenaran. Kerana mahu memperjelaskan dan kemaskini Enakmen itu. Orang Islam kena faham apa tujuan larangan itu dan apa tujuan Enakmen yang tidak jelas itu. Kumpulan NGO Islam sepatutnya menyokong usaha supaya Enakmen 1988 itu diperkemas dan diterangkan dengan jelas. Barulah orang kata kita orang Islam ini faham agama sendiri dan faham undang undang Negara..

Jika ikut sentimen dan emosi dengan menolak kebenaran, maka jangan salahkan orang lain jika mereka tuduh orang Islam takut kepada bayang bayang. Takut kepada dialog dan diskusi, dan hanya suka hukum orang saja. Samoga Khalid menang lagi di Selangor.

Anwar Ibrahim goes to the Courtroom of Public Opinion amid intense UMNO slurs

January 24, 2010

For Anwar, the crowds and slurs swell

by Terence Netto

Even as Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim took his case to the courtroom of public opinion – increasingly riveted judging from the size and composition of crowds during his two-stop tour of southern Perak on Friday – the bile of his detractors was equally a match.

‘Anwar khianat Melayu Islam’ spewed one banner at the junction where the road from the town of Tapah meets the narrower turn-off that heads for Sg Manik, the second and more well attended location of the PKR leader’s two-stop swing through southern Perak.

Clearly, Anwar’s unequivocal condemnation of the outrages against mainly non-Muslim places of worship in recent weeks had drawn the ire of quarters wanting to exploit last month’s High Court decision in favour of non-Muslim use of the term ‘Allah’ as a rallying point to regain Malay support and put Pakatan Rakyat on the defensive.

These quarters see the ‘Allah’ decision as a lighted match thrown into a powder keg. But the even temper of the mixed race crowd at Slim River, the first stop, and later of the predominantly Malay crowd in Sg Manik, indicated that at the most the ‘Allah’ issue is a tempest in a teapot.

Perhaps that explained the desperation of the bannered slurs against the Pakatan Rakyat chief. Anwar’s combative speech to a mixed race crowd of about 1,500 people at a shop lot in Slim River showed that he fights best when he is up against the ropes.

He was preceded at the podium by PKR’s lesser lights, Chan Tian Chua (right) and Elizabeth Wong, whose spiel was useful as appetisers to the main course.

By the time it was the PKR’s adviser turn to speak, the crowd had waxed to its highest number at around 1,500 and when he finished 45 minutes later, people were still trickling in from the surrounding vicinity, obviously having heard titillating bits from motorcyclists who had periodically peeled from the belt of listeners to scamper into the nearby housing estate.

Indisputable Magnetism

The mainly Malay crowd at Sg Manik, at about 10,000, far by much in excess of any gathering Anwar has drawn on his peninsula-wide road show since it started, had not come just to hear the pros and cons of the ‘Allah’ issue.

In the rural Malay heartland, the grapevine at warongs and suraus reverberates with the latest juicy tidbits. In the last several weeks, the word in Sg Manik has been about a police report lodged by the former driver of the area’s Member of Parliament, Tajuddin Rahman, of UMNO.

The driver, until recently, of the famously cantankerous Pasir Salak MP, had alleged in his report that Tajuddin had punched him after he had lost his way while looking for the Deputy Prime Minister’s house one night in early December.

Tajuddin was invited to a meeting of selected UMNO MPs from Perak at Muhyiddin Yassin’s (left) Bukit Damansara home. An allegedly irate Tajuddin then took over the wheel of the car but he was equally at a loss to find the DPM’s residence.

Since the time the driver, who is from Sg Manik, lodged a report over the alleged incident at the police station in his kampong, Pasir Salak’s most famous denizen has not been seen in the constituency. The police there it is said want to talk to him.

No doubt this story factored in accounting for the outsize crowd at Anwar’s Sg Manik ceramah, though it detracts from his indisputable magnetism as a draw on the hustings.

But after PKR’s head of Bureau of National Unity and Religious Understanding, Mohd Nor Manuty, had given a painstaking explanation of the ‘Allah’ issue from the theological standpoint, Anwar took over and riveted the crowd who must have felt some gratitude to Tajuddin Rahman for having giving them added impetus to be present.

‘Allah’ can be used by Christians

Essentially, Anwar rehearsed what he had said earlier at Slim River, the narrative this time having more Islamic inflections. His skilful staccato attack on the administration of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak (right) drew laughter and applause.

He revealed that during his mid-January visit to Lebanon for an Islamic conference, he spoke to renowned preacher Sheikh Yusuf Qardawi and other comparably weighty scholars who held that the term ‘Allah’ can be used by Christians.

He also said these scholars condemned as vicious the attack on his character implied by the sodomy charges preferred against him.

By the time Malaysia’s most famous stump orator wound up close to midnight, the memory of the bannered slurs against his Malay-Muslim identity had faded into the inky night.

And the alleged incident concerning Pasir Salak’s parliamentary representative was reduced to a mere footnote in the larger saga of Sodomy II.

Pakatan Rakyat ready to move forward

January 24, 2010

Pakatan Rakyat  ready to move forward, says Kit Siang

By Syed Jaymal Zahiid

Opposition strongman Lim Kit Siang again dispelled growing fears that Pakatan Rakyat would crumble in the absence of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim if the de facto coalition chief goes to jail for a second sodomy conviction.

The DAP parliamentary chief believed the federal opposition pact, which now controls four states, has flourished and are gelling well ever since its formation after the 2008 general election.

“Of course we are worried and we do not want to see him jailed for a trumped-up charge but (his absence) is of no major contention as far as PR continuing with its struggle,” the Ipoh Timur MP told The Malaysian Insider after a DAP campaign dinner.

“We are ready,” added the veteran politician who was first elected to Parliament in 1969. Anwar is seen as the “glue” that brings the three PR component parties – PKR, DAP and PAS – together amid stark ideological differences.

But pundits and a large chunk of PR supporters believe all that could come undone should Anwar be convicted for his second sodomy charge in a decade, which PR leaders believe is staged to kill off his political career and the pact’s influence.

Anwar himself has been on “pre-emptive” mode in light of his looming trial, hinting at large-scale nationwide ceramahs staged to rally support for him that his trial may well end with a conviction.

His upcoming Sodomy II case, a major corruption crackdown and PR being painted as anti-Islam have pushed the informal alliance to hold rallies around the country to retain support against the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) federal government onslaught.

Lim, however, remain optimistic that PR and the voters – just as Anwar would have wanted – have matured and are leaving behind the “politics of icons” and will base their votes on who can govern best.

“Yes, Anwar has played a unique role of getting us together but after two years, I believe that PR has proven that it can stick together and we can go on without him.”

Lim and his colleagues believe that the PR’s Common Policy Framework (CPF) unveiled at its maiden convention last December is one the pact’s hallmark achievements and is a testament to its determination to work together.

The CPF is the pact’s common manifesto and formula to dethrone BN and wrest Putrajaya. But observers remain sceptical that the CPF, which they believe is “too superficial”, will be strong enough to sort the differences between the parties particularly Islamist PAS and secularist DAP.

They believe that many questions are still left unanswered, including who will take over as the leading figure of the pact, a question which is a ticking timebomb that leaders from all sides have so far avoided discussing.

PR ideologue Datuk Zaid Ibrahim had once suggested the popular PAS spiritual chief Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat becomes the pact’s chairman but support for the Kelantan mentri besar in that role has been lukewarm.

Anwar’s trial starts February 2 after the Federal Court decides on his application to access more evidence before the hearing. The former deputy prime minister was freed in 2004 after being jailed in 1999 for sodomy and abuse of power.

Johoreans paid their respects to their Beloved Sultan Iskandar

January 24, 2010

Johoreans paid their respects to their Beloved Sultan

People from all walks of life today (January 23) paid their last respects to the late Sultan of Johor, Sultan Iskandar Sultan Ismail, who died yesterday evening (January 22).

They came to Istana Besar here as early as 9am and were allowed into the palace’s main hall, where the remains of the late Sultan of Johor (left in photo) were lying in state, about 50 minutes later.

The newly-proclaimed Sultan of Johor, Tunku Ibrahim Ismail Sultan Iskandar , his wife Raja Zarith Sofiah Sultan Idris Shah, members of the royal household, Menteri Besar Abdul Ghani Othman and state leaders were also inside the hall.

Members of the public, in their mourning attire, filed past the casket, which was draped in the Sultan of Johor’s flag, while reciting prayers.

The late Sultan Iskandar’s crown and sword were placed on the coffin while his medals and decorations were displayed around it.

His body was later taken in a 3km procession from Istana Besar to the Royal Mausoleum, with thousands of people lining up both sides of the road.

There was also a 77-gun salute by the 41st Ceremonial Battery of Sungai Buloh Camp to mark Sultan Iskandar’s age during his death.His body was laid to rest next to his father’s grave at the mausoleum.

Najib cut short India’s visit

Sultan Iskandar was born in 1932 and educated in Australia and Britain before joining the state civil service. He took over as Sultan of Johor in 1981, following the death of his father and served as Agong from 1984 to 1989.

Local papers were filled with tributes to Sultan Iskandar, calling him a “selfless ruler at heart” and “a ruler close to his subjects.”

Prime Minister Najib Razak cut short a state visit to India, returning to Malaysia early today for the sultan’s funeral.

Among the rulers present were Sultan of Pahang Sultan Ahmad Shah, Sultan of Kedah Tuanku Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah, Sultan of Selangor Sultan Sharaffudin Idris Shah and Sultan of Brunei Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah.

Yang Dipertua Negeri of Sarawak Tun Abang Muhammad Salahuddin Abang Barieng, Yang Dipertua Negeri of Sabah Tun Ahmadshah Abdullah and Yang Dipertua Negeri of Melaka Tun Khalil Yaakob also paid their last respects to the late Sultan Iskandar.

Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong were also present.

- Bernama (January 23, 2010)

ASEAN Songs for Your Weekend

Friends,

I thought I should depart from my usual music presentation (namely jazz and evergreens from the West) for this weekend. So I have chosen a series of popular hits from ASEAN. I start off with Tean’s favourite Thai song and am sure he will be excited to be sidetracked from his obsession with Ms Ozawa (and Bean’s favorite movie star). I have included two of mine (one from the Indonesia and the other from the Philippines). I dedicate all these songs to my wife, Dr. Kamsiah, to commemorate our first anniversary together.

Enjoy and let us divert our attention from Malaysian politics and the ongoing sandiwara, even if it is for one fleeting moment.–DJ Din Merican

Sabai, Sabai (Thailand)

Klach Hery Chet Sery(Cambodia)

Widuri (Indonesia)

Andainya  Aku Pergi Dulu (Malaysia)

See Pen Bor (Laos)

Dahil Sa Yo (Philippines)

Di Tanjung Katong (Singapore)

Singapore’s Lady Of Song’s Kisah Cinta

May Trang (Vietnam)

Fix The Economy First

January 22, 2010

Into a ‘High-Income Government’

by Jan Yong

COMMENT: Our economy in bad shape? We have that from good authority. “We are lagging behind economically and are stagnating for over a decade. Malaysia is trapped in a low-value-added, low-wage and low-productivity structure,” Second Finance Minister Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah was said to have told an economic outlook conference, according to a recent AFP report.

Among its peers China, India, Vietnam, Indonesia, Philippines and Thailand, Malaysia’s economic growth over the past three years was second-lowest, he was quoted to have said. That means we are only better off than the Philippines and are losing the race to Indonesia, Vietnam and Thailand, countries once lagging behind us.

Both former PM Dr Mahathir Mohamad and present PM Najib Abdul Razak have acknowledged that our salary levels are comparatively low. Yet, look at recent proposed measures. Are they helping the rakyat or do they seem more like increasing the coffers of the Government as well as being protective measures?

Reasoning seems valid

Just look at the aborted End of Life policy for vehicles 15 years old and above. The reasoning seems valid. Our government is doing us a favour by ridding us of unsafe old vehicles on the road. But look deeper – other countries which have this policy like Singapore is doing it because they can’t afford to have too many cars on the road, plus the level of income of Singaporeans generally allows for upgrading to new vehicles after every 10 years or so.

Compare this to Malaysia. Has any research or credible statistics been done to show that most accidents are caused by old vehicles over 15 years? From my enquiries, most accidents are caused by drivers’ negligence and not by the roadworthiness of the vehicles. The fact is a 10 or 20-year old vehicle can be in tip-top condition if it’ is maintained very well, while a two-year old vehicle can be a scrap if the owner does not maintain it.

Furthermore, does the government expect retirees and out-of-work people to give up on their old cars and buy new cars on seven or nine-year instalments plans? Will they even get the hire-purchase loan in the first place? Many are not earning that kind of income and have to struggle to pay their monthly car instalments. Is the government aware of this? In these economically challenging times, is this the best policy?

As further justification for this ill-conceived piece of policy, it was explained in Parliament that cars over 15 years old in Malaysia have zero value. I beg your pardon?

Just look at the classifieds in the newspapers. Just to hasten your search, do an advance search online and fill up the maximum price at RM10,000. You will see that many vehicles before year 1994 have rather high values. A 1990 Honda Accord 2.0 is selling for RM9,900 and a 1994 Proton Wira 1.5 is selling for RM9,500. And I thought MPs now have research assistants to do their research for them to get this kind of figures?

Car prices in Malaysia are already artificially high due to sales tax and an unusually high import duty. Malaysians have to bear the burden of paying unusually high prices for imported cars or else make do with local makes, some of which are known not to have passed the safety standards in developed countries like the US.

Considering that our salary levels are comparatively low, and car prices comparatively high, shouldn’t the Government’s priority be to resolve the disparity?

Bear in mind, after decades of complaints, our public transport system is still insufficient to meet the needs of most Malaysians, hence the need to own a car. Owning a car in Malaysia is a need that is fast becoming more of a luxury.

Action, not just talk

This of course is not new news. However, coming on the heels of the much-hyped “Rakyat Didahului” 1Malaysia concept, it speaks volumes of the Government’s real attitude towards the rakyat. We want to see action, not just comforting words. Walk the talk, and not just talk, talk only.

In the case of the vehicle End of Life policy, it appears very much like a policy of “Push the policy through and see the response”. Not surprisingly, there was an outcry, after which the Government aborted the policy. Not a very smart move although from the industry point of view, it can be perceived that the Government had tried to bow down to pressures from them but had to back down due to public outrage.

From the rakyat’s point of view however, one wonders whether this is yet another manifestation of crony capitalism running smack into the face of the 1Malaysia concept.

Other measures that are giving a bad taste in the mouth for ordinary Malaysians are the proposed revival of the Real Property Gains Tax (RPGT), proposed imposition of the GST, the AP issue and the proposed imposition of RM50 tax for each credit card. What is obvious here is that these are not rakyat-friendly measures.

The government needs to be reminded that these are economically-challenging times and imposing these measures only makes the Government look like hypocrites, in addition to giving extra mileage to the opposition.

Najib has announced that his government aims to transform Malaysia into a high-income country. Is burdening us with extra taxes a way to make us a high-income society? Or did he really mean transforming Malaysia into a “high-income government”? - Malaysian Mirror