Jeffrey hints at 2nd chance for PKR in Sabah

Oct0ber 29, 2009

Jeffrey Kitingan, who yesterday quit his post as PKR vice-president, has hinted at the possibility of a second chance for opposition party in Sabah. However, he painted a ‘big if’ situation.

He urged party president Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail to move immediately to implement three steps that would stave off a total collapse of PKR in the state.

Firstly, the PKR constitution should be changed to recognise the special position of Sabah and Sarawak (in Malaysia) by giving them autonomy to manage their political affairs and organisation.

Secondly, the leadership at the PKR headquarters based in Selangor should allow the divisional delegates to choose the state leadership line-up including the Sabah PKR chief, which will likely to be Jeffrey himself.

Thirdly, the party should create a special committee to review, manage and implement the requirements of the 20-points agreements when Sabah joined the federation.

The three recommendations are contained in Jeffrey’s resignation letter which he emailed late this afternoon to Wan Azizah.

The Sabah strongman also resigned as a member of the party’s supreme council and the political bureau, but remains as party member and Keningau division chief.

Views not respected

Jeffrey, when contacted in Kota Belud, confirmed that he had indeed emailed his letter of resignation to Wan Azizah and confirmed the gist of its contents.

“The three steps, if implemented, will allow PKR to address local issues and sentiments without having to set up a local political party,” writes Jeffrey in his resignation letter. “It will promote democracy in the state.”

Touching on his resignation, Jeffrey expressed regrets that he had to relinquish his position in the party as his “views are not respected”.

Jeffrey recalled that he joined the party because he “believed in its philosophy of democracy and struggle for justice, freedom and democracy and its recognition and acceptance of the Tambunan Declaration”.  The Tambunan Declaration incorporates Sabah rights and the 1963 Malaysia Agreement.

“I worked hard day and night in Sabah and Sarawak too, putting my life on the line sometimes, to promote the party,” writes Jeffrey. “It did not matter to me who was the state chief as long as we worked as a team.”

Jeffrey assured the party president that he had nothing against Ahmad Thamrin Jaini, the newly-appointed state chief, Azmin Ali who got the boot as the state chief and party advisor Anwar Ibrahim.  However, the Sabah division chiefs had to draw a line somewhere when “Anwar continued to look at Sabah the same way he did when he was in UMNO”.

“Many now wonder what reformasi (reformation) is all about when it comes to Sabah and Sarawak,” pointed out Jeffrey. “It had been our hope that PKR would be different from Umno as far as the handling and treatment of Sabah and Sarawak is concerned. But sadly, there’s no difference.”

Musical chairs

In support, Jeffrey cited the fact that the third state chief, Awang Tengah, was removed by Anwar despite the fact that he had the support of 90 percent of the divisions.

He attributed this to instigation of a certain division chief who has the ear of Anwar and is willing to be a proxy for people in Kuala Lumpur.

Awang Tengah’s removal, Jeffrey charged, was simply to facilitate the appointment of the unpopular Tuaran division chief Ansari Abdullah as the fourth state chief.

When Anwar found that almost the entire Sabah PKR was against Ansari, he took over as state chief for two months before relinquishing the post to Azmin, who sought advice only from Ansari on how to run the party in the state.

In Sarawak, Jeffrey complained, the unpopular Mustapha Kamil Ayub from Perak was thrust on party members in the state despite their protests.

In one of his parting shots, Jeffrey reminded the PKR president that the party lost the general election in the state last year simply because it was led by a state chief who did not have the support of the majority of the divisions.

“If the party doesn’t change its approach in Sabah and Sarawak, it will continue to get weaker and will no longer be cohesive as when it first started,” warned Jeffrey.

The September 20 memorandum, signed by 18 division chiefs, said Jeffrey, “is a manifestation of the same concern for better decision-making based on the principles of democracy which the party preaches.”

Whoever is appointed as the state chief in Sabah “will only bring disaster to the party” if he or she doesn’t have the support of the division chiefs, warned Jeffrey.

The 20 Point Agreement

Point 1: Religion

While there was no objection to Islam being the national religion of Malaysia there should be no State religion in North Borneo, and the provisions relating to Islam in the present Constitution of Malaya should not apply to North Borneo

Point 2: Language

• a. Malay should be the national language of the Federation
• b. English should continue to be used for a period of 10 years after Malaysia Day
• c. English should be an official language of North Borneo for all purposes, State or Federal, without limitation of time.

Point 3: Constitution

Whilst accepting that the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya should form the basis of the Constitution of Malaysia, the Constitution of Malaysia should be a completely new document drafted and agreed in the light of a free association of states and should not be a series of amendments to a Constitution drafted and agreed by different states in totally different circumstances. A new Constitution for North Borneo (Sabah) was, of course, essential.

Point 4: Head of Federation

The Head of State in North Borneo should not be eligible for election as Head of the Federation.

Point 5: Name of Federation

“Malaysia” but not “Melayu Raya”

Point 6: Immigration

Control over immigration into any part of Malaysia from outside should rest with the Central Government but entry into North Borneo should also require the approval of the State Government. The Federal Government should not be able to veto the entry of persons into North Borneo for State Government purposes except on strictly security grounds. North Borneo should have unfettered control over the movements of persons other than those in Federal Government employ from other parts of Malaysia into North Borneo.

Point 7: Right of Secession

There should be no right to secede from the Federation

Point 8: Borneanisation

Borneanisation of the public service should proceed as quickly as possible.

Point 9: British Officers

Every effort should be made to encourage British Officers to remain in the public service until their places can be taken by suitably qualified people from North Borneo

Point 10: Citizenship

The recommendation in paragraph 148(k) of the Report of the Cobbold Commission should govern the citizenship rights in the Federation of North Borneo subject to the following amendments:

• a) sub-paragraph (i) should not contain the proviso as to five years residence
• b) in order to tie up with our law, sub-paragraph (ii)(a) should read “7 out of 10 years” instead of “8 out of 10 years”
• c) sub-paragraph (iii) should not contain any restriction tied to the citizenship of parents – a person born in North Borneo after Malaysia must be federal citizen.

Point 11: Tariffs and Finance

North Borneo should retain control of its own finance, development and tariff, and should have the right to work up its own taxation and to raise loans on its own credit.

Point 12: Special position of indigenous races

In principle, the indigenous races of North Borneo should enjoy special rights analogous to those enjoyed by Malays in Malaya, but the present Malays’ formula in this regard is not necessarily applicable in North Borneo

Point 13: State Government

• a) the Prime Minister should be elected by unofficial members of Legislative Council
• b) There should be a proper Ministerial system in North Borneo

Point 14: Transitional period

This should be seven years and during such period legislative power must be left with the State of North Borneo by the Constitution and not be merely delegated to the State Government by the Federal Government

Point 15: Education

The existing educational system of North Borneo should be maintained and for this reason it should be under state control

Point 16: Constitutional safeguards

No amendment modification or withdrawal of any special safeguard granted to North Borneo should be made by the Central Government without the positive concurrence of the Government of the State of North Borneo

The power of amending the Constitution of the State of North Borneo should belong exclusively to the people in the state. (Note: The United Party, The Democratic Party and the Pasok Momogun Party considered that a three-fourth majority would be required in order to effect any amendment to the Federal and State Constitutions whereas the UNKO and USNO considered a two-thirds majority would be sufficient)

Point 17: Representation in Federal Parliament

This should take account not only of the population of North Borneo but also of its siz and potentialities and in any case should not be less than that of Singapore

Point 18: Name of Head of State

Yang di-Pertua Negara

Point 19: Name of State

Sabah

Point 20: Land, Forests, Local Government, etc.

The provisions in the Constitution of the Federation in respect of the powers of the National Land Council should not apply in North Borneo. Likewise, the National Council for Local Government should not apply in North Borneo.

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